In In These Times, I talk about how we've been influenced by @NaomiAKlein's work on disaster capitalism: "the oil CEOs are not waiting for the virus to stop before pushing their ideas... We knew we had to get something out more quickly."
In GreenBiz, @jmijincha explains why a Green Stimulus would invest carefully to help workers: "Businesses + manufacturers that pay + treat their workers with dignity are the ones that we want to be lifting up and investing in"
We got so sick of hearing about all the lithium we need to carpet the roads w electric cars. So we did the 1st study to quantify alternatives. Leading w mass transit, ebikes, and urban density cuts lithium demand by up to 90%, while slashing carbon & giving us mobility & freedom.
.@triofrancos led this brilliant @cpluscp
research project, in collaboration w expert EV modelers at UC Davis. We also worked w frontline groups in Nevada and Chile. And we produced our report in both English and Spanish. Less mining, more mobility 💥 climateandcommunity.org/more-mobility-…
Today, we have an exclusive in the @guardian, exploring EV policy in the US in the context of our research. The climate emergency means that we must stop burning gasoline in cars. But how much mining is needed to transition is completely up for grabs. theguardian.com/us-news/2023/j…
I'm thrilled to be starting the first substantive week of my class this semester, "The Sociology of the Climate Emergency." I'll be posting some links and readings as I go along. First up, our syllabus. Next, today's readings...
To dig into an emerging (if still contested) consensus that we're now looking at a narrow climate future of 2C to 3C warming, we read @dwallacewells's latest NYT Mag opus.
For a first look at the inequalities that still dominate that setting, and the mechanisms that reproduce those inequalities, we read @NaomiAKlein's classic essay on climate and othering.
I want to quickly clarify an offhand, sloppy tweet I wrote last week. A lil 🧵 for those who were genuinely curious about what I meant.
I use eco-apartheid as shorthand for situations where the affluent (& usually white) get lovely green amenities, while others are locked into miserable conditions, w the inequalities sustained by racist state violence. Obv, cities/housing matter here.
There’s a lots more to say on this. I didn’t really engage last week bc I’m drowning in intense writing projects on eco-apartheid these days. More on those soon. I’ve also written about this before. Eg:
Tomorrow, the IPCC will issue a massive new report. It will find that, basically, we need a Green New Deal, w incredibly ambitious public action to coordinate and help fund trillions in green investment to prevent total climate breakdown.
Hardly anyone will talk about it. 1/4
In the US, centrists thought ditching the Green New Deal would allow Dems to focus on more pragmatic, concrete actions.
But now the only narrative is Manchin blocking Biden. 😵💫
There's no rousing meta-narrative frame for ambitious climate action linked to jobs and equity. 2/4
And this isn't just about narrative—it's about organizing too.
In the US, ceding the GND meant ceding the whole project of climate action—including leadership of climate movements & allies—to the Biden admin.
We've lost the project of an expansive grassroots mobilization. 3/4
What if we focused on 2030 less as ultimate climate deadline, and more as double-down moment? In that timeline, winning this decade involves blocking fascisms & white nationalisms, major progress in energy sector decarb, *start* of large-scale retrofits. Years of Beginning.
Accomplishing all the hard stuff by 2030 looks… extremely hard. But building momentum on decarb (& adaptation!) while repelling fascist rights would be a decent achievement! In many sectors, success would beget accelerating success. Building retrofit costs will really come down.
The rough numbers are that the world needs to cut emissions by 50% by 2030 to keep 1.5C in sight, by 25% for 2C. There’s a lot of room between those.
A (v long) thread on the Bowman affair, inspired by over a decade of research and work on the Brazilian left. (And my lifetime of immersion in Lat Am politics.)
To finally get elected President in 2002, Lula wrote a public letter swearing fealty to neoliberalism. He kept most of those promises.