While states are debating whether to extend the #DiplomaPrivilege to 2020 law school graduates, here are a few thoughts on the broader debate over what barriers should be in place to practice law. (Thread.)
In most states, I gather there are two major limits. 1st, everyone has to pass the bar exam to practice. And 2nd, everyone need to get into and graduate from an ABA-accredited school -- a process that requires schools to have a certain bar passage rate. americanbar.org/news/abanews/a…
Proposals to have a Diploma Privilege raise really interesting questions about whether these barriers should exist, and if they shouldn't, what if anything should replace them.
One argument I have heard from students is that the bar exam should be abolished, as it's not clear it separates out the qualified from unqualified. I'm sympathetic to that: I took the CA bar exam recently, and it was weirdly out of step with lawyering. reason.com/2018/07/12/tak…
But let's assume you abolish the bar exam. What do you do with ABA accreditation, which requires a certain bar passage rate? Those accreditation standards assume a bar exam. How should they change if there is no bar exam?
Another Q is how law schools should change if there is no bar exam. Under the current system, most schools can more or less ignore admission to practice. They can make the JD program mostly electives, w/students free to take what courses they want and everyone passing.
If there's no bar exam, should that change? Should law schools limit electives and have more of a core curriculum to ensure that students are exposed to important areas? Should they tighten grading standards?
I don't have any answers, to be clear. (Sorry!) But there are really interesting questions, as the curriculum and grading in law schools, and the accreditation process, is premised on there being a bar exam. If you remove the exam, other parts parts have to be rethought.
FWIW, my own sense is that the best way forward with the Class of 2020 is to have some kind provisional licensing until the pandemic is over. And I would probably change the permanent bar exam so it tests legal skills and not memorization.
If those changes are made, it might make sense to require more of a core curriculum requirement on law schools. I was also intrigued by @LidskyLidsky's idea of having an initial bar exam relating to 1L topics after 1L year, not after 3L year.
Maybe you could do that after 1L year, and then have a legal skills exam after 3L year like the CA bar exam's performance test (writing a memo based on materials they give you, not requiring memorization of endless rules from 18 subjects).
There are lots of ways to rethink the process, I think. /end
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Unless I'm missing something, this is just absolute nonsense. The law has an explicit statutory exception that clearly applies in this case. And even if it didn't, the PPA is not an "adverse authority," as it's utterly irrelevant to probable cause. nytimes.com/2026/02/05/us/…
The article even briefly mentions the exception that obviously renders the statute completely irrelevant (see the highlighted text) but then adds that there is a "catch"-- that some think the 1st Amendment applies. But how is that relevant to the ethical duty to disclose?
There can't be a duty to disclose an obviously inapplicable statute just because some scholars have a theory that the First Amendment should apply instead. That doesn't expand the scope of the statute.
NOTEWORTHY: Pennsylvania Supreme Court rules that there are no 4th Amendment rights in your Google search terms. When you search on Google, you tell them your search terms; the government can get those queries without a warrant. The third-party doctrine applies.
You know that you're being tracked, the Court says, and your decision to use the Internet (or at least search engines) anyway makes your actions voluntary.
The Terms of Service at Google make this clear, according to the Court: Under Google's TOS, you're on notice that you don't have privacy. Under the TOS, you can't claim privacy. Carpenter doesn't apply.
This isn't my area, so maybe this is wrong, but it does seem to me that the unitary executive theory of control over prosecutions and the executive pardon power are something of an odd combination.
As I understand the history, at common law, prosecutions ordinarily were brought by private parties. A private victim would prosecute the criminal, sort of like a tort action except with the possibility of being hung if the defendant is convicted.
In that world, an executive pardon power made a lot of sense. Private parties would seek punishments when justice didn't require it, so someone was needed to be a check on the system of private prosecution.
Debates about when originalism first became a theory of constitutional interpretation are interesting to me in part because, in Fourth Amendment law, originalism has pretty much *always* been considered a critical method—if not the main method—of interpretation.
Take the first main Supreme Court case on Fourth Amendment law, Boyd v. United States (1886). It's all about how to apply the principles of the 18th century cases, like Entick v. Carrington (1765), that inspired the 4A's enactment. tile.loc.gov/storage-servic…
Or take Carroll v. United States (1925), introducing the automobile exception. It's all very explicitly originalist: "The Fourth Amendment is to be construed in the light of what was deemed an unreasonable search and seizure when it was adopted" tile.loc.gov/storage-servic…
Several notable 4th Amendment rulings in this 5th Circuit opinion today. Most importantly: People have a reasonable expectation of privacy in stored online contents—here, the contents of a Dropbox account. (Per Oldham, J., w/Richman & Ramirez)
Plaintiffs, Heidi Group, is a pro-life group that briefly had a contract with the Texas state government. A former employee named Morgan went to state investigators and said she had access to Heidi Group's documents b/c she was still given access to their Dropbox account.
A state investigator, Dacus, encourages Morgan to look through Heidi Group's files for evidence what Heidi Group did when it was a state contractor. Morgan does. Heidi Group realizes someone is accessing its files, eventually sues state officials for violating its 4A rights.
First off, the conservative/GOP bona fides of Bill Burck and Robert Hur have been covered elsewhere. telegraph.co.uk/us/news/2025/0…
But as @WilliamBaude notes, Lehotsky Keller Cohn is on the brief, with name partners Steve Lehotsky (Scalia clerk, former Bush-era OLC); Scott Keller (former Texas SG, Ted Cruz Chief of Staff, Kennedy clerk), and Jonathan Cohn (Thomas clerk).