1] The seemingly deliberate moves to both shrink the democratic space & scare off young people is a cause for concern.
More than any other time in recent memory, the repressive arm of government has descended on youths whose crime is just wanting to be part of the conversation.
3] How can a democratic dispensation descende on our female politicians & have them experience so much trauma.
Even if @JoanaMamombe, @MarovaNetsai "broke the law" through that demonstration, how can there be any justification for their horrific experiences even post abduction?
4] How can a democratic dispensation explain the experience of @namataik_@zimudzi_vongai who's only crime is having an opinion on proposed constitutional amendments?
How do they deserve their harassment?
Are their voices irrelevant?
Are they any less Zimbabwean?
5] Ironically, inside their parties, young people are faced by the "chinhu chedu" political glass ceiling.
Outside their parties, they still want to cut off our tongues and silence our voices.
What will become of this country tomorrow without a politically conscious youth?
6] Gone are the days where young people were used as political hound dogs.
Gone are the days were women danced semi-naked at rallies, for the satisfaction of men.
The docility and dogma are a thing of the past.
Both constituencies now demand to be part of the conversations.
7] But young people need to realize this is a call for class consciousness
This country is not safe for female & youth politicians
But this should strengthen our resolve
Its nolonger an intra-party thing but a generational fight
1. Admittedly, when I first read the "structured currency" headline, I thought the Harare regime was taking its "structures" propaganda too far.
With the benefit of more research on the topic, I'm now totally convinced the Harare regime is indeed taking its propaganda too far.
2. By definition, a structured currency is "structured" in that it's supposedly backed by both mineral reserves (in our case gold) and trust in government's monetory policies & regulations.
Unfortunately, no one believes any of the two are present in our existing circumstances.
3. Part of why all previous gimmicks have failed is a trust deficit.
Even if the government opts to accuse commentators of being alarmists, causing panick and despondency, no one can be faulted for rushing to withdraw their forex savings if we have learned anything from history.
1. Imagine trying to make sense of how some 4 gentlemen in Bulawayo can randomly claim, 'we have recalled Amos Chibaya, he has ceased being a member of CCC'.
Outside the influence of social media, many only know about #CCC because of the efforts of this indefatigable organizer.
2. Propaganda has to make some sort of sense.
Even where some decide to hide behind the claim of "a traceable history in the struggle," Chibaya would make the mark.
A devoted organizer during the times of Tsvangirai & even more so, during the times of Chamisa under the MDC-A.
3. For the successive elections between 2018-2023, it's a mystery how Chibaya found the passion to abandon the comfort of his home and the herculean energy to traverse the country, organizing the Opp for electoral triumph.
Chibaya is very much unheralded & doesn't seem to care.
1. So, a group of at least 25 individuals have decided to join nonexistent forces under the otherwise much heralded #NERA banner to push for electoral reforms.
It's difficult to even identify them as political leaders because they don't represent any political constituency.
2. If you review the outcome of the controversial 2023 election, these people combined had fewer votes than the Councilors who won your ward election.
Many of them have never even bothered to field candidates in successive elections but only pop up whenever they sense a need.
3. If you were to profile them, there is one Lucia Matibenga, masquerading as PDP President.
Her "party" never contests.
She only temporarily enjoyed limelight under PDP when Sen Mwonzora brought her as his MDC-A partner before they connived to recall MPs elected under Chamisa.
1. Interesting comment on this unfolding drama by Prof Ncube.
I, however, can't help recognize the continued conflation of politics & law, which I've previously written about, regarding the formation of CCC party from MDC-A.
It's quite strange that BaNcube does the same here.
2. I take notice of @Welshman_Ncube choice of words here.
He says: MDC-A party's "...National Council resolved to reconstitute itself as CCC..."
By definition, when you "reconstitute," you simply restore or build up again, using remaining parts of whatever has been destroyed.
@Welshman_Ncube 3. However, it was a legal nulity not only for MDC-A to 'reconstitute' itself but to even meet & make legally binding resolutions to begin with.
In 2020, Justice Chitapi ruled that the MDC-A party wasn't a legal persona, effectively meaning it wasn't a legally constituted party.
1. We need to accept that we've seen enough to conclude we've no justice system in Zimbabwe.
Perhaps it's time to totally (temporarily) abandon seeking judicial recourse, particularly around political issues
Why continue subjecting ourselves to the wig wearing ZanuPF activists!
2. Let me rationalize this personal view:
Firstly, we are simply patronizing the generality of the citizens by arguing that going to these "captured courts" is an important academic exercise that exposes judicial capture.
What has been the consequence of exposing this capture?
3. ZanuPF's reaction to the damning SADC Observer Mission report is evidence enough that they don't react to "embarrassment" by showing restraint.
ZanuPF chose rather to burn SADC through an unprecedented propaganda offensive and direct confrontation with the Zambia government.