Why are some on the left so wary of sortition? I understand that you wouldn't want randomly selected groups exercising sovereign power, but is there more going on?
The recent historical record shows that *even though random selection has always thus far been used in elite-dominated circumstances* the results are easily as good as those achieved by appointed experts and elected officials - and sometimes much more radical.
A good example is the Irish constitutional convention which proposed the establishment of explicit, enforceable economic rights - including a right to housing eg) constitutionalconvention.ie/AttachmentDown…
It's true that the Eighth Report doesn't exist in most mainstream coverage of the convention, and that the Irish parliament buried it. But this is a problem with the structure of the media (see tweets passim) and in the dynamics of representative democracy (ditto).
I don't want to be starry-eyed about sortition. Like anything it has weaknesses. But it is particularly useful for democrats in two areas: deliberation, where smaller groups can 'stand in' for the citizen body. What they discover, recommend or propose commands attention ...
... because it is formulated by people who, like the vast majority of us, have no prior commitments going in. We don't have to agree with what they come up with, but it is a communicative form that isn't captured by elite interests *in advance and by definition.*
The other area is the supervision of elected elites. Ordinary members of orgs and citizens in national and regional government, selected by lot, are a good way of maintaining a disinterested eye on what elected officials are doing ...
Why wouldn't we want a group of people relevantly like us to have the resources to oversee elites, and to publish reports on their conduct, and the power to launch recall, deselection or impeachment proceedings? (that would be ratified by majority vote)
Of course randomly selected bodies would sometimes behave in ways that harm the majority. But the current system *always* does, or at least has done all my life. The last time it didn't it was because depression and war created a militant (and heavily armed) public opinion.
Potential problems with sortition are reasons for being careful about how it is used - for thinking through what its particular virtues are, not for dismissing it out of hand.
As someone who has argued for democratic reform of the media for a decade, I would rather make the case to a randomly selected group of people than any appointed or self-appointed panel of experts, any parliamentary committee, any group of media owners.
I might be wrong about what I am arguing for - general, democratic control of the resources used for political communication - but I know that most media experts and industry insiders dislike the idea for reasons they are reluctant to make explicit ...
... and most politicians know that the reforms I propose will make them accountable to voters in ways that they are keen to avoid. If your political programme is unpopular with elites, wouldn't you want to able to argue for it - repeatedly - in spaces elites don't dominate?
The existing @PeoplesMomentum constitution incorporates sortition in a tokenistic and toothless way. But the refoundation should look carefully at how it can be used to 1. develop a radical common sense across a range of policy areas and 2. stop elites taking the piss.
A constitution that dedicates power and resources to members as a whole via a media fund as proposed by @leowatkins91 and to groups selected by lot presents a powerful challenge *to all membership organisations.*
Why should *anyone* pay dues to organisations that concentrate *all* power, resources and information in the hands of a few insiders - elected or not? What's wrong with involving non-elites in the governance of organisations that are supposed to about empowering their members?
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In his latest explainer @garyseconomics touches on a key issue, the lack of seriousness in the media about how successful economic reform would need to organised. We need high-level, widely shared, discussion of what we've been doing since 1979 ...
... where it has led us, and we need to change our political economy to improve living standards for the majority against a background of geopolitical instability and climate change. But post-2008 the media prefer to believe one weird trick will be enough to appease the gods.
Again, we could have public media that organises and manages just such a debate, that tests all kinds of propositions against the evidence in a way that is compelling and enlightening to the citizenry, who themselves participate actively and directly in the process. But we don't.
🧵Highly paid BBC presenters who express astonishment at the very idea of taxing wealth aren't doing much to dispel the widespread perception, well documented in Ofcom's audience research, that they are 'out of touch with ordinary people.' ofcom.org.uk/siteassets/res…
From 2028 the BBC will operate under a new 10-year Charter. It's important that we have a broad and deep debate about its structure and operating assumptions before then. As the public lose confidence in the wider establishment there's a danger that the BBC will go down with it.
For example, the 2024 British Social Attitudes Survey talks of 'a stark decline in public trust' in the UK's governing institutions: a full 45% of us 'almost never trusted' politicians to put the nation's interests first.') natcen.ac.uk/publications/b…
FWIW, some thoughts on the influencer and the party / Stephenson and the left conversation. There's bound to be tension between the dynamics of the attention economy and the needs of political projects. Individuals empowered by platforms can rapidly build vast audiences.🧵
Those individuals are not tied to collectives, and are only really vulnerable to the platform owners (which can snuff them out, or promote them, at will). They can embrace left-adjacent themes and drop them as opportunities present themselves. (I am old enough to remember ...
... Russell Brand jousting with Paxman and being courted by Miliband in 2015.) But the left's response has to be to build collective agents that are themselves capable of reaching large audiences by dint of convening large numbers of individuals as rule-bound plural subjects ...
In the new NS podcast the team discuss a focus group in Sittingbourne and Sheppey, made up of Conservative to Labour switchers. One presenter, the one who doubted Corbyn had much of a personal vote in Islington, was "a bit taken aback at how punchy and disappointed they were."
It's striking that a political journalist needs to go to a structured focus group to find out what people outside Westminster are feeling. But I suppose this reflects the existing balance of power: voters are a background feature in a drama with only a handful of speaking parts.
Marr noted that politics outside Westminster was different, and that Burnham and Sarwar are more interesting and self-assured than most Cabinet members. But the podcast was 100% Westminster-brained, in that its premise was that 20224 Con-Lab switchers were key.
In my self-appointed capacity as a purveyor of lukewarm takes I have now read That Article. What stands out is the intense focus of the Labour right on media and communications ... 🧵 theguardian.com/politics/2024/…
McSweeney seems to have understood that trusted independent left media posed an existential threat to the right's attempt to regain control: if members understood who the Labour right were, and what they wanted, the game would be up.
According to @AnushkaAsthana "they took aim at news websites they considered to be either alt-left or alt-right, including, perhaps not surprisingly, the Canary." She says their campaign had a material impact on that outlet, forcing them to become "much leaner."
Politicians can say anything to a nodding journalist, no matter how insultingly stupid and misleading, as long as they use a mind-numbingly banal analogy from daily life to do it. Nation's credit card? Sure. Under the bonnet? Yeah, sounds about right.
A great deal of media culture consists of projecting their own inability to grasp basic concepts onto their audiences: rather than explain how parties interact with the state, which would require thought, they happily go along with framing that is simple, familiar and wrong.
Haha, the public don't care about x! (when x is something that's extremely important, that can only shore up oligarchic power in a formally democratic system when people have no idea what x is, and only have brain dead analogies to go on when they turn to the media to find out.)