The Trump administration is preparing anticorruption sanctions against Hezbollah’s allies in Lebanon, as it seeks to weaken the group in the aftermath of the Beirut explosion.
"U.S. officials see an opportunity to drive a wedge b/n Hezbollah & its allies as part of a broader effort to contain the Shiite force backed by Tehran. Hezbollah has been part of Lebanese coalition governments for more than a decade & is the region’s most potent threat to Israel
U.S. officials said that by sanctioning carefully selected people, they aim to shape the new government with two prime goals: ensuring that Hezbollah doesn’t retain its hold on government decisions & compelling Lebanon’s political class to target endemic corruption.
“Gebran Bassil should've been sanctioned years ago,” said Jeffrey Feltman, former U.S. amb. to Lebanon under Pres. Bush, in an email. “No one has done more to enable Hezbollah’s political reach in Lebanon than he has, in giving an Iranian-funded Shia militia Christian cover.”
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Lattakia, #Syria: The young Alawite, Ali Iyad Hamdan, 22 years old, was martyred by bullets from members of government-backed militias near the al-Muzayri’a Bridge in the city of Lattakia this morning, June 21.
A young Alawite man was martyred in a sectarian attack in Baniyas.
The young man, Muhammad Shaaban Diop, from the village of Al-Mawrid in the Baniyas countryside, was shot June 19 by gunmen on a motorcycle from the predominantly Sunni village of Al-Bayada. There have been no arrests.
The trappings of governance exist – ministers, ministries, announcements, ceremonies, meetings, photo-ops; but the substance does not.
Authority is centralised in the person of the president and radiates outwards from him through a constellation of loyalists, family members and HTS veterans.
"Authoritarian mechanisms based on loyalty and patronage appear not as temporary necessities, but deliberate tools of power."
Sharaa’s rule is defined by the presence of institutions but in phantom form. Accountability mechanisms are avoided; transparency is smothered.
between figures who support conditional engagement with the new Syrian leadership and others (including Sebastian Gorka, the National Security Council's counterterrorism official) who view the new Syrian leadership as "jihadists" and de facto "al-Qaeda" elements.
It seemed to me that this latter group currently predominates within the government. I also heard that the Israeli position, hostile to the new Syrian leadership and calling for keeping Syria fragmented and weak, is having a significant impact on the Trump administration's thinking on #Syria.
Alawite women in #Syria being abducted and used as Sabaya just like the Yazidis.
“They tortured and beat us. We weren’t allowed to speak to each other, but I heard the kidnappers’ accents. One of them had a foreign accent and the other had a local Idlib accent. I knew that because they were insulting us because we were Alawites.”
Following the testimonies of Syrian women who were kidnapped on the Syrian coast, we found Rabab, who was kidnapped in broad daylight and found herself with Basma (a pseudonym) in the same house, where they were both beaten and insulted for being “Alawites,”
The phenomenon is reminiscent of the Yazidi captivity in Iraq, but has yet to reach the same level.
There have been repeated pleas from families trying to uncover the fate of their daughters who were kidnapped in broad daylight, whether from the Syrian coastal cities and countryside, or from the countryside of Homs and Hama.
Thread about the situation on #Syria's #Alawite coastal region My brother-in-law traveled from Qadmous to Latakia today - March 12, 2025. This is what he saw.
He was accompanied by Sunni regime officials to make sure that he would not be shot.
He counted 8 checkpoints between his village and Banias on the coast - a 20 minute drive - from his village.
There were no Amn al-`Amm (gov security) at any of the checkpoints. He did not see any HTS uniforms or police uniforms. None of the vehicles had markings on them.
(Photo of Qadmous castle)
Most men at the 8 checkpoints were wearing masks to hide their faces. Those manning the checkpoints between the town of al-Midan and Sqibleh (the higher mountains) were strangers to the region.
Those between Sqibleh and Banias (the lower mountains) were from the Banias region. There were two very different types of men on the road.
President Sharaa of #Syria interview with The Economist - Feb 3
"Warlord, jihadi or nation-builder"
"all” Syria’s militias are to join a new Syrian army. All militias, including his own—Hayat Tahrir al-Sham—he says, have been dissolved. “Anyone who keeps a weapon outside the control of the state” would be subject to unspecified “measures”. He ruled out a federal arrangement to deal with Kurdish opposition. But the projection of a strongman was belied by the absence of palace staff. There was no one on hand to serve coffee, and only one person freshly arrived in the country for the first time handling comms. His foreign minister and fellow former jihadist, Asaad al-Shaibani, sat at his side directing proceedings.
On the ground his 30,000-man force is stretched just as thin. As he notes, “a vast area is still out of the control of the Syrian state”. None of the rebel commanders assembled for his stage-managed inauguration were broadcast clapping. “We also sacrificed for a decade,” says a southern rebel commander, who fumes that Mr Sharaa took charge of what had been a collective effort to overthrow the Assads. Rival militias control most of the country’s borders. Many of their chiefs, some of whom were previously officers in the Syrian army, are reluctant to surrender their weapons, fiefs or command. The defence minister has yet to set a deadline for them to do so. The Kurds, who control Syria’s prime oil fields, farmland and the dam that powers much of its electricity in the east, refuse to recognise his rule. When asked about his negotiations with the Kurds, Mr Sharaa replied: “Not with that much optimism.”
Mr Sharaa is also struggling to curb the excesses of jihadists who hitherto formed his base. To date, a bloodbath has been averted. But the information ministry has restricted access for foreign journalists to the coastal provinces and Homs, where revenge killings against Alawites are spiking. Mr Sharaa dismisses talk of a resurgent Islamic State (IS) as “a big exaggeration”. But he admits that his forces have foiled “many attempted attacks” since he took power. IS cells are believed to be returning to Damascus and other cities, soaking up growing dissent.
Second is the question of whether he actually intends to fulfil his promises—or at least try. In our interview, Mr Sharaa used the word “democracy” publicly for the first time since taking power. “If democracy means that the people decide who will rule them and who represents them in the parliament,” he said, somewhat half-heartedly, “then yes, Syria is going in this direction.” He insisted he would replace his cabinet of loyalists from Idlib. He promised to replace them in a month with a “broader and diverse government with participation from all segments of society”. He said that ministers and members of a newly appointed parliament would be chosen according to “competency, not ethnicity or religion”, raising the prospect that for the first time he might appoint some non-Sunnis. He would also hold “free and fair” elections and complete the drafting of a constitution together with the UN after “at least three to four years”. For the first time, he promised presidential elections.