Flynn case: En Banc Decision. So for today I'm going to give some overall assessment comments and then this weekend I will see if I can make time to walk you through all the parts of the 60 page opinion. Here is a link to the decision:
As I'm sure you've seen reported elsewhere already, the full court denied all the relief requested by Flynn - no mandamus to Judge Sullivan ordering him to dismiss the case, no removal of Gleeson as amici, no reassignment of the case away from Judge Sullivan. /2
The main holding is that since Sullivan hasn't ruled yet on the DOJ's proposal to dismiss the case, Sidney/Flynn did not establish the element of mandamus that he has no other adequate available remedy for the alleged problems. Basically: Flynn can appeal so what's the problem?/3
It's a technical ruling, which, as I said during my live tweet of the argument, shifts the focus of the case from Flynn to the relationship of the trial court to the Court of Appeals. They frame the issue as can/should they issue mandamus w/o giving Sullivan a chance to rule. /4
They do not address virtually any other argument that lawyers & the media have been debating in this case: separation of powers, the scope of Rule 48, the breadth of the review allowed by Fokker. /5
They avoid all of those by focusing on the remedy issue - if Sullivan goes crazy at the hearing, denies the motion, etc., Flynn can appeal &/or Flynn & DOJ can seek another mandamus then.They emphasize that they could find no case where mandamus happened before the judge ruled./6
They also avoided the arguments DOJ made that Judge Sullivan did not have standing to ask for rehearing en banc by saying that one of the judges on the Court of Appeals had asked for the case to be reheard on banc before Judge Sullivan asked for it. /7
The majority took the view that they just couldn't tell a district court it couldn't hold a hearing on a motion (even in the face of facts indicating the district court was going in a problematic direction = my comment). /8
They think there's nothing problematic in appointing an amicus in a criminal case. (I agree w/this point as I've said many times.) They also didn't think mandamus to kick Gleeson off the case was warranted because the order appointing him wasn't inappropriate on its face. /9
And, they didn't think Judge Sullivan had said or done anything egregious enough to indicate personal bias against Flynn warranting removing him from the case, which I had also predicted all along. /10
They've taken the view I have called "blinking reality" in prior posts on this case. If you sanitize the facts, it's just a judge doing what judges always do - require pleadings, hold hearings, make rulings - and why shouldn't the court of appeals wait to see what he does? /11
This ruling reeks strongly of a decision based on "Judges Self-Protection League" grounds, which is a recurring problem with every court of appeals. They simply do not want to tell the lower court judges that they are acting out of bounds even when they are. /12
Rulings on that basis are seldom exercises in justice, however. They necessarily distort the law & they violate the court of appeals' obligation to protect the litigants from problems in the judicial process. Unfortunately, they are all to common anyway. /13
On the upside, there are two points. First, the majority makes it very clear they expect Judge Sullivan to now act promptly on the motion to dismiss. They order him to act "with dispatch." /14
Second, they drop an important footnote about how Judge Sullivan's lawyer swore up & down at the oral argument that he was clearly, absolutely, positively, certainly, definitely not going to hold an evidentiary hearing on the motion. This is plainly a signal to Judge Sullivan./15
It's a signal that the Court of Appeals expects him to hold a dignified hearing, w/o witnesses or any other factual development of the record, & to make a prompt ruling. Subtext: grant the motion to dismiss & put this case to bed ASAP. /16
Whether Judge Sullivan will do that I do not know. It will be fascinating to see what he does do at a hearing, or if he even chooses not to have a hearing now that the Court of Appeals has said he can if he wants to. We'll see. /17
On balance I will say I don't agree w/the holding of the majority which I'll explain in my longer thread, but no matter what this is a Pyrrhic victory at best for the left. Flynn is still going to get his dismissal & there will be no searching investigation into DOJ's motives./18
It's mostly a face-saving exercise & a prissy protection of the courts' sacrosanctity. /19
Flynn has the right to petition for certiorari by the Supreme Court. I think DOJ likely can't as it didn't petition for mandamus or formally join Flynn's. The deadline for that is 90 days from today. The case will go back to Sullivan in the meantime, however, in about 14 days./20
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I thought I'd take a look & see what I think about whether DJT in his current term and/or JD Vance (assuming he takes it next) or whoever might next be POTUS after DJT will have many SCOTUS picks.
Here's how it shapes up - just based on age.
The "average" age that a Justice retires (either from a voluntary retirement or a death) is about 78/79, but that's based on historical data and the Justices in modern times retire at later ages for a number of reasons.
So, I looked at the actual last ten Justices to retire and/or die (which yielded two slightly different groups as 2 have retired but not yet died so there's no # for their death age to use.)
If you average the ages of the last 10 retirement ages, you get 82.3 years of age, & if you average the last 10 death ages (many of which are after retirement), you get 87.9 years of age. So, taking that range, how many years before the current Justices likely leave the Court, one way or the other?
Excellent reporting by @ProfMJCleveland about how the DC federal judges are not impartial when it comes to DJT/his administration, much less giving them the deference due the duly elected co-equal branch of govt - & admitted to CJ Roberts at the judicial conference this Spring.👇🏻
I remain of the view that ALL judges who were in the DC federal courthouse on J6 were in fact affected by that event & it is impossible for them to be impartial in such cases as they are required to be by law. This was outrageously evident when a bunch attended DJT’s arraignment.
I would extend that to any judge in that courthouse who handled a J6 case. They are hopelessly tainted by those cases.
They should all recuse themselves or Congress should legislate that any judge in those 2 groups is barred from handling any case involving the administration.
1. No tax money goes to Planned Parenthood for abortions directly. That has been prohibited by law for many years.
2. Congress does not “fund” Planned Parenthood directly for the other services it provides either.
3. Rather, Planned Parenthood receives Medicaid payments for non-abortion services rendered to people who are on Medicaid, just like other medical care providers.
4. Planned Parenthood in addition to abortions provides the following services:
birth control, STD testing and treatment, pregnancy testing and options counseling, emergency contraception, “gender-affirming” care, Pap tests, breast exams, and vaccinations.
5. The “funding” cut off by the OBBB are these payments thru Medicaid.
So the issue in the litigation is going to be whether Congress can constitutionally cut Planned Parenthood out of the Medicaid Program in the way that the OBBB does it.
The same kind of problem would arise if a different Congress passed a law saying religious medical providers who are in the Medicaid program could not receive Medicaid payments for medical services they provide because they also provide religious instruction or counseling to their patients.
Medicaid is an entitlement program created by the Congress. The payments it makes are not like grants or other forms of federal funding, which the Congress controls directly.
When Congress spends money on something that is available to the public generally as an entitlement, you run into the questions of whether it can then cut some people out, which can turn on the reason for the cut, because the Constitution prevents the Congress from making laws that violate certain rights, including religion and viewpoint.
So there’s a genuine issue in this Planned Parenthood case. But it requires a lot more analysis than the Mass. district judge has given it.
DHS needs to circulate a memo to all state governments to make all their state officials & judges aware that ICE officers DO NOT need a “judicial” warrant to arrest immigrants in a public place. An immigration warrant issued by ICE is all that is required under federal law.
If state officials interfere with arrests based on those warrants, they are unlawfully interfering with federally agents under 18 USC 111. If they do so with “physical contact” with the agent, it’s a felony.
(These non-judicial warrants don’t permit entry into a home.)
So, for example, in the Brad Lander situation, he’s wrong that the agents have to show a judicial warrant to make the arrest; & holding on to the arrestee to prevent the agents from making it is a federal offense, at least a misdemeanor.
I don’t know who needs to be reminded of this (cough, cough), but you are not bound to obey an unlawful order. And it’s not contemptuous to refuse to obey an unlawful order either.
You run the risk that you’re wrong, of course, & that a higher court will therefore say you ARE in violation of a lawful order & impose consequences.
But, it’s still true that you don’t have to obey an order that is unlawful while the courts take their time figuring it out.
To clarify, I’m talking about orders that are unlawful because the court doesn’t have the authority to issue them, not unlawful because the court ruled the wrong way.
This was the only just outcome. These people were ALL over-charged, over-prosecuted, had unconstitutional conditions imposed on them when released pre-trial, had the most draconian & unlawful pleas imposed on them, & were over-sentenced.
Not even the cases where there was bad behavior by defendants were handled appropriately so as to justify the punishments handed out.
Just as electing Trump was the only way to counteract the lawfare by Democrats, pardoning & releasing all these defendants was the only way to set right the completely disproportionate & inappropriate response of the “justice system” to Jan 6.