I recently pointed out what I thought was the biggest news in the recently-released 2020 China Military Power report: an apparent more-than-doubling of the PLA Rocket Force’s DF-26 IRBM inventory.
This growth to IRBM launchers is a continuation of previous trends: the 2018 report had listed "16-30" launchers, then 80 in the 2019 report, and now 200 in this year's report. iiss.org/blogs/military…
I said in my commentary that, if this growth in capability is real, it could present a more significant challenge to the American way of war in the Western Pacific.
The report lists "200+" as the number of likely missiles available, given 200 launchers. We know from Chinese TV footage that DF-26 units practice reloading missiles, and that the missiles have different warhead types that are swappable.
Thus, if each launcher had only one reload missile available (and there may be more than that), this would mean an IRBM force of more than 400 DF-26's, all configurable to anti-ship or land-attack missions (including nuclear, though that's not what really concerns me).
Some observers may not be too concerned about the deployment of a single such weapon system, but the scale of this change matters: going from dozens of missiles to hundreds is a quantitative change big enough to drive qualitative effects, esp. given the longer range of the DF-26.
First, at sea the number of missiles could broaden the PLARF's antiship mission from a "carrier-killer" focus to a generic "ship-killer" mission. China itself describes the DF-26 as capable against medium *and* large ships. globaltimes.cn/content/119694…
This change could matter in how it intersects with the USN's distributed lethality construct: an effort to distribute offensive combat power - partly given the threat of what were dozens of DF-21D ASBMs - away from carriers to smaller, more numerous ships. usni.org/magazines/proc…
With a much greater number of available ASBMs, these smaller warships - LCSs, DDGs, and especially logistics ships - could become "ASBM-worthy" as well. businessinsider.com/in-war-china-u…
The story is no better for USAF tactical aircraft & bombers based in-theater. With smaller numbers of long-range missiles, air operations might be possible from Guam or dispersed locations. But with hundreds of missiles available, this seems unlikely IMO. defensenews.com/digital-show-d…
While some might point to the heavy bombers as an answer to providing land & maritime strike (I agree, to a point), one wonders how long they would survive - or be able to find targets - without effective tac air support available from local airfields. reuters.com/investigates/s…
The next way the DF-26 force matters is through its much greater range, in particular the specific additional areas that it can strike. In the Philippine Sea, areas of relative sanctuary beyond the range of the DF-21 (1500km+) lie well within range of the DF-26 (4000km).
These areas have mattered in how US defense thinkers looked at the regional A2/AD challenge, positing the ability to operate forces reasonably safely outside the 1st island chain as a means to enable operations closer-in to defend our interests & allies. cimsec.org/tightening-the…
Further southwest, PRC thinkers have obsessed over the "Malacca dilemma", with China's vital imports vulnerable to chokepoint interception en route. With large numbers of DF-26s, the PLA may now have the ability to strike US/allied warships attempting to maintain such a blockade.
The same could now be true in the vital sea lanes leading from the Mid East to Asia and Europe, with coverage extending from PLARF bases in western China.
Now, some commentators have been incredulous that the PLA's IRBM force could have grown so quickly given the scale of expansion that would be required.
From my perspective, I doubt that the DoD would just make up these numbers, and TELs are not like mysterious underground WMD sites or an adversary's strategic intentions. They are distinct physical objects that can be counted from space.
Perhaps they're not fully integrated into effective combat units yet; but if that is the case it's still just a matter of time.
Other observers were already tracking an unprecedented expansion of the PLARF; seems like a continuation of that trend to me. popsci.com/story/blog-eas…
Some observers have also doubted China's ASBMs have the ability to strike moving targets at sea. But for the 2nd year in a row the report states flat out that the DF-26 "is capable" of conducting strikes against naval targets. This is pretty strong language for an intel report.
To be sure, as has been discussed by USN's leadership before, the range arcs of the PLA's ASBMs are not impenetrable, nor is the PLARF its first "A2/AD" challenge.
I'm still working on my thoughts about what to do about all of this, as to be sure I don't think there are any easy - or even very palatable - answers.
But my sense is that the trajectory that we are on as a nation is not keeping pace with the threat to our interests and allies.
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@rand recently published this piece by Dr. Timothy Heath, in which he voiced substantial doubts about the PLA's combat readiness. It's received a fair bit of attention since then.
Having read it & examined the evidence he cites, I have some thoughts:
NOTE: if this thread looks familiar, it's because I put it up yesterday with a link to the article at the top. I'm re-upping it today as ab experiment to see if there's a difference in reach from not putting the link at the top (plus I'll fix some typos). rand.org/pubs/perspecti…
Anyway, let's look at his key takeaways:
- the PLA is focused on upholding CCP rule rather than preparing for war
- PLA modernization is mostly to bolster CCP credibility
- over the PLA’s history it's prioritized political loyalty & CCP rule over combat readiness
- As China declines, the PLA’s mission of upholding CCP rule will become more important, combat readiness less so
- large-scale, high-intensity US-PRC war is improbable. If US-PRC tensions escalate, China will face strong incentives to favor indirect methods
- US defense planning elevate a broader array of threats versus remote possibility of war w/ China
@rand recently published this piece by Dr. Timothy Heath, in which he voiced substantial doubts about the PLA's combat readiness. It's received a fair bit of attention since then.
First, let's look at his key takeaways:
- the PLA is focused on upholding CCP rule rather than preparing for war
- PLA modernization gains are designed first/foremost to bolster the credibility of the CCP
- over the PLA’s history, it's prioritized political loyalty and CCP rule over combat readiness
- As China declines, the PLA’s mission of upholding CCP rule will become more important, its combat readiness less so
- large-scale, high-intensity US-PRC war is improbable. If US-PRC tensions escalate, China will face strong incentives to favor indirect methods
- US defense planning should consider a threat framework that elevates a broader array of threats versus the remote possibility of war with China
It will surprise no one who follows me that, while some of his points on the history of the PLA and CCP are valid, I disagree with his larger overall conclusion: that the threat of military aggression from the PLA in the future is remote due to a lack of combat readiness.
One key thing the armchair “wHY dIdN'T THe hELicOpteR SEe ThE airLinER On A CLeAr NiGhT” folks miss is a concept folks in the maritime business call CBDR: constant bearing, decreasing range.
What that means is that if you’re on an intercept course with another vessel (or airplane), they will have no apparent relative motion when you look at them. eoceanic.com/sailing/tips/2…
Put simply, if you can see the other party moving right or left across your field of view, then you’re guaranteed not to hit them (if you both maintain your course and speed).
They’ll either pass ahead or behind.
However, if the other vessel/plane stays in the same spot in your field of view, but is just getting bigger, then you have a problem - CBDR.
Many folks probably saw @CovertShores' recent find: that China is building multiple special vessels seemingly intended to transfer vehicles ashore in support of a PRC invasion of Taiwan.
Let's start with overall numbers. @CovertShores indicated in his article that there are, "3 but likely 5 or more...".
I'd put the emphasis on "or more", as I count what looks like 7 in this image of the GSI Longxue Island shipyard taken on 28 November 2024:
Next, let's zoom in, starting with #1 above.
Since I know of no designation for this type of vessel, I'm going to make one up: the T-LPT (i.e., civilian-crewed auxiliary landing platform—transfer). And I'll call this one the Type 1.
I'm pleased to announce the release of a new report I co-authored with @timothyawalton for @HudsonInstitute titled Concrete Sky: Air Base Hardening in the Western Pacific.
Some folks may recall a preliminary assessment I posted in 2023 on this topic, as I came to realize that China appeared to be engaged in a nationwide, robust effort to harden its air bases - and that the US was doing relatively little in this area.
"Rattner [sic] said Xi Jinping’s goal of having his military ready to carry out a “short, sharp invasion” of Taiwan by 2027 “is not possible right now.”"
I was at this event, and that is not what I recall them saying. What I recall is them saying is... news.usni.org/2024/12/19/chi…
...that invasion was "neither imminent nor inevitable", that the PLA faced obstacles in reaching Xi's 2027 goal, and in terms of a short sharp invasion at acceptable cost, "they're not there today".
But judge for yourself, that portion is around 12:00:
IMO my recollection is consistent with this statement, provided at a separate brief to reporters—and released by DoD.
Again: not imminent or inevitable, Xi remains committed to 2027 goals but corruption could slow them down (i.e., not "not possible" to meet 2027 goals). 🤷♂️