Some initial thoughts on UK Internal Market Bill covering: A) underpinning assumptions of UKIM; B) important details about Bill’s proposed scheme; C) what it means in real-world UK context. See separate thread on particular provisions relating to Northern Ireland. Voila:
A.1) I fully agree with UKGov's proposition that Brexit now requires UK to establish some overall scheme to govern internal trade - including a way to manage potential barriers to trade / distortions of competition arising from future exercise of autonomous regulatory powers
A.2) But I do not share UKGov’s apparent assumption that regulatory divergence is inherently problematic and must be strictly controlled, by imposing extensive limits (in effect) on the ability of devolved institutions to make different choices from Westminster
A.3) As said before: it's perfectly possible to have a well functioning UKIM that accommodates regional variation, even if that involves certain trade barriers. And economic concerns have to be weighed against democratic interests of Scotland and Wales to shape own societies.
A.4) Bill contains extensive duties of mutual recognition (if X is lawfully made / provided in England, X can be lawfully sold / provided in Scotland, even if its rules are different) & non-discrimination (Scottish rules cannot treat English goods / providers worse than own ones)
A.5) Together = UK's “market access commitment”. So far, so orthodox. But detail of UKGov proposals means previous concerns expressed about White Paper are entirely or largely justified. For sake of space, I'll concentrate on goods (not services or professional qualifications)
B.1) MR for goods has very broad scope: covers all product requirements. Doesn’t apply to existing rules, but MR will kick in if they are then substantially amended. Ie a serious disincentive to engage in regulatory innovation / respond to changing social challenges & preferences
B.2) And MR for goods doesn’t apply to very limited / strictly controlled group of situations, ie where internal movement of some pest / disease / unsafe food would pose serious health threats to part of UK – with onus on competent authority to justify the need for taking action
B.3) Otherwise, within its broad scope, MR for goods is effectively unconditional, eg no chance for Scotland to justify devolved choices (say) on environmental or consumer grounds. Obviously: the broader & stronger MR = the more intrusive its impact on devolved competence
B.4) ND for goods will apply to broader range of rules than product requirements, eg manner of sale, transportation, storage, market approvals etc. Again, doesn’t apply to existing legislation – but will again kick in as & when existing rules are substantially changed in future
B.5) Bill outlaws both direct and indirect discrimination against goods from elsewhere in UK. Plenty of convoluted definitions here. But most striking: “indirect discrimination” includes not just familiar (and relatively easy) legal assessments of comparability and disadvantage…
B.6) … but also a rather unexpected economic assessment of rule's competitive impacts upon relevant UK market – thus sacrificing the relative mechanical clarity of discrimination law in favour of a complex & costly market analysis of the sort more familiar in competition policy!
B.7) In any case: direct dis can only be negated in “public health emergency” involving “extraordinary” threat to human health. As for indirect dis: must reasonably be considered necessary for health protection or for public safety / security. But again: no other justifications
B.8) also worth noting: MR and ND only apply to sale / supply of goods in course of a business; do not apply to sales / supplies made in discharge of public functions; and do not apply to taxation powers. Bill also has specific rules on chemicals regulation
B.9) Already far-reaching. But Bill also confers on UKGov extensive delegated powers to change the rules unilaterally – in most cases, without any requirement even to consult devolved institutions. True eg of exclusions from MR / ND & justifications for indirect discrimination...
B.10) could tell similar stories about Bill’s regimes on both service provision and recognition of professional qualifications – wide scope, certain exceptions, but limited justifications, UKGov has power to change goalposts unilaterally etc
B.11) and note other important provisions relevant to devolution: eg granting UKGov new powers to spend cash for wide range of purposes; making control of public subsidies a reserved matter; shielding Bill from future modification by devolved institutions
C.1) So: Bill contains broad & strong “market access” principles that would be striking in any context. But UKIM is characterised by unique factors that will significantly influence how these proposals actually operate in practice - potentially to serious detriment of devolution
C.2) As we know: England totally dominates UK in terms of population & economy; as well as in terms of the locus of constitutional power. So MR / ND won’t operate as “neutral” principles here. They will inherently favour English choices and limit / penalise Scots or Welsh ones
C.3) So while UKGov might claim Brexit means greater devolution, in practice, UKIM plans would mean powerful incentive for devolved institutions not to deviate from English standards: in many cases, cannot enforce them against English imports & will only be penalising own economy
C.4) That distorting impact of UKGov's plans further magnified by fact that UKIM rules would be (at least partly) directly legally enforceable: “host country” rules that infringe “market access” principles would be treated as inapplicable to relevant businesses
C.5) And while Bill contains system for Competition and Markets Authority to monitor / report on UKIM’s operation – there's no attempt to address underlying governance needs, eg to create independent & impartial institutions / processes to represent / protect devolved interests
So much for first thoughts - with apologies for any errors etc that will emerge from more detailed scrutiny - which is full deserved!

Separate thread on NI parts of Bill to follow shortly...

• • •

Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to force a refresh
 

Keep Current with Michael Dougan

Michael Dougan Profile picture

Stay in touch and get notified when new unrolls are available from this author!

Read all threads

This Thread may be Removed Anytime!

PDF

Twitter may remove this content at anytime! Save it as PDF for later use!

Try unrolling a thread yourself!

how to unroll video
  1. Follow @ThreadReaderApp to mention us!

  2. From a Twitter thread mention us with a keyword "unroll"
@threadreaderapp unroll

Practice here first or read more on our help page!

More from @mdouganlpool

11 Sep
I hope my previous hypothetical examples prove useful, in terms of getting a flavour of the UK Internal Market Bill's intended principles and effects.

Now: some key overall lessons to draw from those examples, in a final short thread...
1) Bill’s principles are largely prospective: they generally don’t apply to existing rules. But Bill does kick in when existing provisions are amended in any significant way. That already creates a significant disincentive to engage in legal reform / innovation
2) where Bill does apply, its rules are based on a very strong market dynamic: wide scope of application, extensive guarantees of market access capable of overriding / bypassing local regulatory choices, only limited exclusions / scope for justification
Read 7 tweets
11 Sep
Working on UK Internal Market Bill? I'll post a few threads containing (hypothetical) examples to help illustrate how it might operate in practice

1st: “Scotland has rules on minimum alcohol pricing but now wants to introduce a higher minimum price/ change basis for calculation”
a) the UKIM rules are largely prospective, ie do not apply to existing rules regulating sale of goods unless those rules are substantially amended. So need to decide whether change in price would be significant amendment; though change in basis of calculation surely would be?
b) assuming amendments are substantial, will be governed by UKIM principles. Price control would be classified as a product requirement and therefore subject to principle of mutual recognition, i.e. imported English alcohol does not have to comply with new Scottish requirements
Read 6 tweets
10 Sep
I've spent my adult life in a state of contented coexistence between the very different & potentially conflictual parts of my background and identity - almost a model child of the peace process & the historical reconciliation achieved between Ireland and the UK within the EU. So:
... while I was never going to be anything but repulsed by Brexit's vulgar nationalism or Johnson's gross dishonesty, I now find myself fundamentally troubled by the way this Hard Right Tory Regime is plotting a deliberate course to destabilise my beloved Northern Ireland...
... devotes such spite and energy in seeking to undermine the alliance of liberal social market democracies that make up the European Union, and is actively assaulting the basic values and institutions that reflect the best of what the UK represented both to itself & in the world
Read 4 tweets
9 Sep
As promised, a second thread on the UKGov's Bill on the UK Internal Market - this time, focusing on the provisions relevant to the Protocol on Ireland / Northern Ireland. Voila:
For the avoidance of any doubt: the Bill is utterly shameless in explicitly empowering the UKGov directly, deliberately and consciously to breach the UK’s legally binding international obligations under its very own Withdrawal Agreement & Protocol on Ireland / Northern Ireland
First point: UKGov’s unionist bias is absolutely overt, eg explicit duties for all public bodies to approach every question about Protocol based on overriding goal of protecting NI’s status in the UK. Nothing, eg about need to protect peace & stability or to avoid hard border?!?!
Read 7 tweets
7 Sep
The only surprising thing about the latest manifestation of Johnson's dishonest and untrustworthy character, is that anyone even pretends to be surprised by his dishonest and untrustworthy behaviour. Let's recall what many of us despised-experts have been saying for many months:
Johnson only signed WA because Parliament forced his preferred "total no deal" off the table; but it was clear he would seek to undermine his very own Irish border provisions at earliest opportunity; & that he had no serious intention of reaching a deal on future EU-UK relations
At time, Brexit loons reacted with their usual fury: how dare you question the UK's good faith, insult the integrity of our Gentlemen's Government, query Global Britain's moral superiority... And yet, if today's reports are accurate, that's exactly the derision HMG fully deserves
Read 5 tweets
23 Jul
Time for regular charade of UK talking up prospects of some great EU trade deal; while EU itself criticises British for not seriously engaging over obstacles to new (but actually pretty bog-standard) treaty. So time also to recall basic calculation by Johnson that led us here:
Underlying problem? UK "red lines" should mean only distant future EU-UK relationship in trade, security etc. But also means a) serious disruption to existing relations with EU, obviously with greater impacts on UK as junior partner + b) problem of how to avoid hard Irish border
May Government's calculation? Keep paying lip service to own "red lines"... but in practice, sign up for deal that would keep UK more closely tied to EU for foreseeable future = minimise economic / security disruption + avoid Irish border without cutting Norn Iron off from GB
Read 5 tweets

Did Thread Reader help you today?

Support us! We are indie developers!


This site is made by just two indie developers on a laptop doing marketing, support and development! Read more about the story.

Become a Premium Member ($3/month or $30/year) and get exclusive features!

Become Premium

Too expensive? Make a small donation by buying us coffee ($5) or help with server cost ($10)

Donate via Paypal Become our Patreon

Thank you for your support!

Follow Us on Twitter!