The 𝑚𝑖ℎ̣𝑛𝑎ℎ (“inquisition”) instituted by the caliph al-Maʾmūn in 833 CE is a common set piece of Abbasid history, esp. due to its exaltation of Ibn Ḥanbal as a hero of early Sunnism. Lesser known are the other 𝑚𝑖ℎ̣𝑛𝑎ℎs, such as Ghulām Khalīl's against the Ṣūfīs …
This later miḥnah was instigated by a scholar named Ghulām Khalīl (d. 275/888); he became a popular, charismatic preacher of Baghdad and, through his reputation for piety, curried favor with the mother of the Abbasid regent al-Muwaffaq. Through his patroness, named either...
Asḥar or Umm Isḥāq, he wielded considerable influence over Abbasid elites and the masses alike (at least according to the historian Ibn al-Aʿrābī). Word of “the vile teachings (𝑎𝑙-𝑠ℎ𝑎𝑛𝑎̄ʿ𝑎̄𝑡) ” of the Ṣūfīs of Baghdād reached Ghulām Khalīl and, ...
with the aid of his patroness who ordered the city’s muḥtasib to obey his orders, sought out over 70 individuals to imprison and question. Later scholars, like Qiwām al-Sunnah (d. 1140) and Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 1328), cal Ghulām Khalīl an acolyte (ṣāḥib) of Ibn Ḥanbal, but ...
this is likely incorrect, though he indeed celebrated Ibn Ḥanbal as the hero of Islam (فتى الإسلام) at the end of the miḥnah inaugurated by al-Maʾmūn. In any case, what about the Sufis did he object to? The 𝐾. 𝑎𝑙-𝐿𝑢𝑚𝑎ʿ of al-Sarrāj offers an interesting answer: ...
in an account of Ghulām Khalīl’s trial of the Ṣūfī Abū l-Ḥusayn al-Nūrī: He objected to how they claimed to love God. Ghulām Khalīl denounced al-Nūrī to the caliph al-Muwaffaq, saying, “In Baghdād is a man among the heretics whose blood ought to be shed...
If the Commander of the Faithful kills him, let his blood be upon my conscience [lit., “on my neck”].” The caliph sent after al-Nūrī who was arrested and brought before him for trial, and Ghulām Khalīl testified, “I heard him say, “I am enraptured with love for God and He with me
(𝑎𝑛𝑎̄ 𝑎ʿ𝑠̌𝑎𝑞𝑢 𝑎𝑙𝑙𝑎̄ℎ 𝑤𝑎-ℎ𝑢𝑤𝑎 𝑦𝑎ʿ𝑠̌𝑎𝑞𝑢𝑛𝑖̄)”! And al-Nūrī replied, “I heard God say, «He loves them, and they love him» (Q. Māʾidah 5:54). Enraptured love (ʿ𝑖𝑠̌𝑞) is no more than love itself (𝑚𝑎ℎ̣𝑎𝑏𝑏𝑎ℎ), except ...
the enraptured in love (ʿ𝑎̄𝑠̌𝑖𝑞) is deprived while the lover (𝑚𝑢ℎ̣𝑖𝑏𝑏) enjoys his love.”
Ibn al-Aʿrābī recounts Ghulām Khalīl's objection somewhat differently than does al-Sarrāj. Ghulām Khalīl was displeased when it reached him that one of the Ṣūfīs said, ...
“We love our Lord, and He loves us, so He has removed from us fear of Him because of the bounty of His love [cf. 1 John 4:18].” Ghulām Khalīl objected that the man's statement made God’s love into a heretical innovation (𝑏𝑖𝑑ʿ𝑎ℎ), and said, ...
“Fear best suits us. It is not as he imagines; rather, love and fear are two foundation that the believer cannot do without.”
For more on the terms ḥubb and ʿishq (which I admittedly struggled to translate) in early Sufism, see @JosephLumbard 's expansive study:
academia.edu/8722544/From_H…
Also , a book by Ghulām Khalīl, called 𝐾. 𝑆ℎ𝑎𝑟ℎ̣ 𝑎𝑙-𝑆𝑢𝑛𝑛𝑎ℎ (Eng. Explanation of the Sunnah) has recently been edited and translated into English with an excellent study by Maher Jarrar and Sebastian Günther. google.com/books/edition/…
They convincingly show that the later ascription of this work to the 10th-century Ḥanbalī al-Barbahārī by Abū Yaʿlā and his son in 𝑇̣𝑎𝑏𝑎𝑞𝑎̄𝑡 𝑎𝑙-𝐻̣𝑎𝑛𝑎̄𝑏𝑖𝑙𝑎ℎ is wrong. Among the evidence for Ghulām Khalīl’s authorship cited is this passage below from the work.

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More from @shahanSean

7 Sep
A famous story is told about the Abbasid caliph Hārūn al-Rashīd's meeting with the pietist scholar Fuḍayl ibn ʿIyāḍ while on Ḥajj. Hārūn sought out many scholars—like Sufyān ibn ʿUyaynah and ʿAbd al-Razzāq al-Ṣanʿānī—but only Fuḍayl tried to evade him. But once they met ...
Fuḍayl reproached him for regarding the caliphate as a blessing (niʿmah)—it is rather a tribulation (balāʾ), he says.
Fuḍayl then recounts to the caliph a pious tale about the Umayyad caliph ʿUmar ibn ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz, famed for his piety. When the caliphate fell to him, ʿUmar..
gathered around him three pious scholars to admonish him before he embarked on his rule: Sālim ibn ʿAbdallāh ibn ʿUmar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb, Muḥammad ibn Kaʿb al-Quraẓī, and Rajāʾ ibn Ḥaywah al-Kindī. Each man gave the caliph his somber advice.
Read 8 tweets
4 Sep
Some folks reading this thread saw a "Shii bias" in noticing a textual problem in this or that passage of the Qur'an; however, this is not the case. These are commonplace "textual puzzles" compiled by early scholars of the Qur'an that this Shii literature reacts to. For example..
John Wansbrough in his 𝑄𝑢𝑟'𝑎𝑛𝑖𝑐 𝑆𝑡𝑢𝑑𝑖𝑒𝑠 (1977) brings attention to a passage appended to Muqātil ibn Sulaymān’s (d. 767 CE) 𝑇𝑎𝑓𝑠𝑖̄𝑟 𝑎𝑙-𝑘ℎ𝑎𝑚𝑠𝑖𝑚ʾ𝑎𝑡 𝑎̄𝑦𝑎ℎ, which lists nine problems in total solved in quick fashion by Ibn ʿAbbās ...
And Abū Ḥusayn al-Malaṭī (d. 987) includes a much expanded list from Muqātil on a total of 25 textual problems from the Qurʾan in his 𝑎𝑙-𝑇𝑎𝑛𝑏𝑖̄ℎ 𝑤𝑎-𝑙-𝑟𝑎𝑑𝑑. This sort of literature expands ...
menadoc.bibliothek.uni-halle.de/ssg/content/pa…
Read 12 tweets
31 Aug
Today I immensely enjoyed reading Joseph Witztum’s article in 𝑆ℎ𝑖𝑖 𝑆𝑡𝑢𝑑𝑖𝑒𝑠 𝑅𝑒𝑣𝑖𝑒𝑤. He takes up a specific aspect of an interesting issue: Shiʿi criticisms of the version of the Qurʾan codified by the caliph ʿUthmān (r. 644-656) ...
doi.org/10.1163/246824…
Shiʿi criticisms of ʿUthmān's codex are of many types – and many other Shiʿah rejected their premises, too – but they are of intrinsic historical interest. Sunni accounts were conscious of these and oft used ʿAlī as a mouthpiece to defend ʿUthmān’s codex of the Qurʾan and ...
to deflect criticism, for ex., of his alleged burning of older copies. (Below in this passage record by the 9th-cent. historian Ibn Shabbah, ʿAlī denounces those who call ʿUthmān ℎ̣𝑎𝑟𝑟𝑎̄𝑞 𝑎𝑙-𝑚𝑎𝑠̣𝑎̄ℎ̣𝑖𝑓, “the Qurʾan incinerator".) Witztum discusses, however, the ...
Read 8 tweets
3 Aug
The Abbasid scholar Jāḥiẓ (d. 255 / 868) often provides a bird’s-eye view of topics in the Abbasid period and, luckily for us, he wrote on a ton of topics. In a short treatise rebutting Christians of his day, he gives a description of religion among the Arabs prior to Islam ...
He mentions four religions that pre-date Islam among the Arabs: Christianity (al-naṣrāniyyah), Judaism (al-yahūdiyyah), Magianism (al-majūsiyyah), and what he vaguely calls “the religion of the Arabs”. See the map below to located the places/tribes mentioned ...
[The map comes from this study of Robin: academia.edu/37672327/_LAra…]
Read 8 tweets
1 Aug
Follow-up 🧵: The recent post of @alSahraTeam contains *a lot* of inscriptions related to the descendants of the prophet Muḥammad’s uncle, al-ʿAbbās ibn ʿAbd al-Muṭṭalib (after whom the Abbasid caliphs are named). One by a certain Rišdayn ibn Kurayb merits close attention ...
Here's the text:
شهد رشدين بن كريب مولى
عبد الله بن عباس ان لا اله
الا الله وحده لا شريك له

Translation:
Rišdayn ibn Kurayb, the client of
ʿAbdallāh ibn ʿAbbās, testifies that there is no god
but God alone: He has no partner.
This is a simple inscription but it attests to two VERY famous people: Ibn ʿAbbās, the paternal cousin of the Prophet (called ℎ̣𝑖𝑏𝑟 𝑎𝑙-𝑢𝑚𝑚𝑎ℎ, “the scholar of the community”) and the man’s father, “Abū Rišdayn” Kurayb ibn Abī Muslim (d. 98/716+, Medina).
Read 7 tweets
1 Aug
Browsing through the most recent post of @AlsahraTeam and noticed an inscription that seems to have been written by the father of Muḥammad ibn Isḥāq, the famed author of the 𝐾𝑖𝑡𝑎̄𝑏 𝑎𝑙-𝑀𝑎𝑔ℎ𝑎̄𝑧𝑖̄ (called 𝑎𝑙-𝑆𝑖̄𝑟𝑎ℎ 𝑎𝑙-𝑛𝑎𝑏𝑎𝑤𝑖𝑦𝑦𝑎ℎ by many) ...
The text reads:
اللهم اغفر لاسحـق بن يســر بن ا
لخيــر آمين ربـ ا لعـلمين ولمن
صحبه في هذا الطر
يق
God forgive Isḥāq ibn Yasār ibn a-
Ḫiy[ā]r – Amen, lord of the aeons! – and whosoever
Accompanies him on this pa-
th
Especially interesting to me is how the name ʾlḫyr is written, as there's a difference of opinion on how the name of Ibn Isḥāq’s great-grandfather ought to be written: Ḫiyār or Kūṯān? This inscription attests to yet another option, probably "al-Ḫiyār"
Read 5 tweets

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