Lawrence Glickman Profile picture
Sep 13, 2020 7 tweets 2 min read Read on X
Excellent article by @KBAndersen but I think it is a misinterpretation, though a common one, to say that the Powell Memo was the "founding scripture for an economic crusade to discredit the New Deal consensus and rewrite the social contract." /1 nytimes.com/2020/09/11/bus…
In my book, FREE ENTERPRISE, I wrote that "the document is less important because it was original than because it synthesized so many elements of a pervasive free enterprise discourse" that had been around since the start of the New Deal. /2
What was different was less than the text than the _context_. Although the Powell Memo didn't say much that was new, it said it at a time when the New Deal order was beginning to fall apart and an emerging conservatism was becoming more popular. /3
One interesting tidbit from my research is that when I interviewed John C. Jeffries, the distinguished law professor and former Dean of UVA Law School, a clerk for Powell in 1973-74, and his biographer, I asked him why he didn't mention the memo in his superb 1994 biography.../4
...he explained that he did not see its content as very different from other things Powell had been saying. Even though Jack Anderson uncovered the existence of the memo in 1972, it was only after 2000 that journalists and scholars began pointing to it as a pioneering document/5
Prof. Jeffries is right that Powell had been saying similar things for a while. Indeed that is why his Richmond neighbor Eugene Sydnor asked him to write the Memo for the Education Committee of US Chamber of Commerce as a recapitulation of conversations they'd been having./6
And in my book I show that Powell was not unique. Indeed, his Memo employed a lot of the rhetoric of the anti-New Deal free enterprisers that dated back four decades./7

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More from @LarryGlickman

Oct 5, 2023
One important point missing from the discourse about Steve Scalise calling himself ‘David Duke without the baggage,’ is that, when he used the label, this was already a viable political lane, one used to describe other politicians, before Scalise. /1
theguardian.com/us-news/2023/o…
In 1990, the Alexandria Town Talk used the phrase "David Duke without the baggage" to describe a winning political formula in Louisiana politics. /2 Image
In 1991, U.S. Rep. Clyde Holloway, seeking to advance in the Governor's race, said he was "a great alternative to David Duke, without all the baggage."/3 Image
Read 6 tweets
Sep 28, 2023
A central fact is that, in the midst of a UAW strike, Trump spoke last night at a nonunion factory. Yet the @nytimes mentions this only at the end of the 6th paragraph and the @washingtonpost brings it up in only the 19th paragraph. These are failures of framing./1
It seems disingenuous for the Times subhed to claim that both Trump and Biden spoke to people "affected by the United Automobile Workers strike," without mentioning at the outset that only one of them spoke directly to striking workers. /2
nytimes.com/2023/09/28/us/…
Similarly, for the Post headline to be that Trump "demands union votes" without mentioning at the outset that he did so at a nonunion factory strikes me as somewhat misleading./3
washingtonpost.com/politics/2023/…
Read 6 tweets
Mar 27, 2023
A few comments on this piece, which makes some good points but also imo mischaracterizes key issues. /1 nytimes.com/2023/03/27/bri…
To say, "Today’s left is less...patriotic than the country as a whole and less concerned about crime and border security," is to take the conservative critique of "the left" as accurate rather than the perspective of those who self-define that way./2
In contrast, this summation of the pre-Trump Republican Party accepts their self-description: "Republicans were mostly comfortable pushing for lower taxes and smaller government (other than the military)."/3
Read 7 tweets
Mar 17, 2023
No doubt, GOP rhetoric in 2024 is "dark," perhaps unprecedentedly so, but this piece understates the continuity in the apocalyptic style in conservative political speech./1
washingtonpost.com/politics/2023/…
There's not much "sanguine optimism," in Ronald Reagan's fearmongering 1961 anti-Medicare speech, which ends with his claim that "you and I are going to spend our sunset years telling our children... what it once was like in America when men were free."/2
americanrhetoric.com/speeches/ronal…
Here's a thread I did last year on a NY Times article that posited a similar discontinuity./3
Read 4 tweets
Mar 10, 2023
Republican claims of being angry--visceral or otherwise--is often reported as being newsworthy in itself, in a way that it is not for other groups in society.
One of the modes of elite victimization is to take claims of anger among the powerful to be a self-justifying force, rather than to address the question of what justifies that anger. /2
A good question to ask is why are they angry about the enforcement of the law--in this case ensuring that the wealthy actually pay the taxes they owe?/3
Read 8 tweets
Mar 8, 2023
I'm not sure I agree with George Packer that focusing on "terrible subjects" necessarily produces "fatalism" or "shame."/1
"Punctured myths make us better students of history, but they leave nothing to live up to. Shame is a shaky foundation for any project of renewal." I'm not sure why the first claim necessarily follows or why history should necessarily promote a "project of renewal." /2
Moreover, I don't think that the history of "terrible subjects" is necessarily based on a model of producing feelings of "shame." /3
Read 6 tweets

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