Lawrence Glickman Profile picture
Historian at Cornell University. Views expressed here are my own.
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May 18 4 tweets 2 min read
The @nytimes takes a completely neutral tone on the conspiracy theories and anti-democratic tendencies that dominate the Republican Party. To borrow a question from @BrendanNyhan, would they do this if they were reporting on another country?/1
nytimes.com/2022/05/18/us/… Nut graph: "The Republican candidates who did best on Tuesday were the ones who have most aggressively cast doubt on the 2020 election results and have campaigned on restricting voting further and overhauling how elections are run."/2
May 11 4 tweets 2 min read
Great piece from @ThePlumLineGS. Trump opposed a candidate in WV BECAUSE he supported infrastructure spending, which was once something he claimed to endorse. Yet more evidence that Trump's supposed working-class "populism" was theatrical, not real./1
washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/… I would challenge the claim that this shows "how hollowed out Trumpism as an ideology has truly become." Trumpism, I would argue, was hollow from the very beginning. His agenda items when he took office were to take away health care from millions and cut taxes for the rich./2
May 9 10 tweets 3 min read
I think it is disingenuous to argue that the Alito's draft ruling taking away a long-established constitutionally-guaranteed right is fundamentally about extending democracy./1
nytimes.com/2022/05/07/opi… This reminds me of a debate a few years ago that the Brown v. Board decision was "undemocratic." I took issue with that position in some of the middle paragraphs of this piece./2
s-usih.org/2017/08/democr…
May 6 6 tweets 2 min read
In it’s displacement of agency, this ⁦⁦@germanrlopez⁩ piece in ⁦@nytimes⁩ recapitulates the characteristic language of backlashers. Note that he doesn’t mention the GOP & conservative concerted propaganda campaign against Covid mitigation measures…./1 Instead, Lopez’s agent is “polarization,” which is neutral and both sides-“it made vaccines a red-versus-blue issue,” he write. This is displacement. I identified the agents as conservatives campaigning against public health in March of 2020./2

theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/…
May 5 6 tweets 2 min read
This both sides headline does not to justice to the substance of the article, which documents concerns about the unpopular and dangerous actions of the right-wing majority of the Court. /1 nytimes.com/2022/05/04/us/… Here is what I take to be the key paragraph about “the court’s steady march to the right.”/2 Image
May 4 6 tweets 2 min read
Alito traces the quotes “deeply rooted in the Nation’s history and traditions” and “ordered liberty” to Washington v. Glucksberg (1997), but in that case those phrases are fleshed out so as to suggest a different meaning than he assigns to them./1 In the 1997, the Court quotes from Palko v. Connecticut (1937) which, drawing from earlier rulings, says "so rooted in the traditions and conscience of our people so as to be ranked as fundamental." I think the word "conscience" is key. /2
Apr 27 4 tweets 2 min read
I would challenge Douthat's claim that the right "once disdained an 'actually, we all built that' account of business success." This was precisely the vision of Leonard Read's influential essay, "I, Pencil" and of Milton Friedman's FREE TO CHOOSE./1
nytimes.com/2022/04/27/opi… Milton Friedman popularized Read's parable of the pencil to show that the market spontaneously coordinated the actions of thousands of people to make and sell goods. The difference was that Read/Friedman largely left the government out of the story of "we built that."/2
Apr 24 10 tweets 3 min read
In light of DeSantis's actions in FLA and Abbott's in TX, it is interesting to look at the "free enterprise" rhetoric that has been central to Republican politics since the New Deal. Here's the 1936 GOP presidential candidate Alf Landon on government overreach./1 Here's the up-and-coming Republican Glenn Frank in 1938 on the dangers of handing "the economic order over to the state."/2
Apr 24 9 tweets 3 min read
The claim that "corporations that are increasingly taking a stand on political issues" does not withstand historical scrutiny./1
nytimes.com/2022/04/22/us/… Here's a 1940 satirical "Hymn to Free Enterprise" that was published in the Nation, which discusses the political power of various business lobbies./2
Apr 21 5 tweets 2 min read
Democrats really need to take credit for being the party of investments of this sort that help communities and people. Enough of the “submerged state” (Mettler) and “a government out of sight” (Balogh). It’s long past time to change the narrative./1 nytimes.com/2022/04/21/us/… This is one lesson Dems can take from Trump./2

washingtonpost.com/politics/comin…
Apr 20 8 tweets 3 min read
I find the framing of this piece puzzling, especially about the GOP's supposed failure to stop "the inexorable move to the left" in the Obama years./1 nytimes.com/2022/04/20/opi… I think this piece by Michael Grunwald on the "Victory of No," gives a more accurate picture of the GOP's success in that regard. /2
politico.com/magazine/story…
Apr 18 5 tweets 2 min read
This charge has been made before. In 1963, the columnists Evans and Novak made much the same claim. /1 The Republican Senator Jacob Javits shared this concern. /2
Apr 14 6 tweets 2 min read
This is an interesting discussion but I wish it had been less of a "focus group" and more open ended. My sense is that the leading questions pushed the discussion in particular directions./1
nytimes.com/2022/04/12/opi… One possible reason that "there was no talk of a stolen election, no conspiracy theories about voter fraud or rants about President Biden’s legitimacy," is that they were not asked about their views about any of this./2
Apr 8 6 tweets 2 min read
I want to continue my campaign to urge caution in the use of the increasingly large catchphrase "culture war." The phrase obscures that the GOP's aim is to limit the _political_ rights of a variety of groups. /1 nytimes.com/2022/04/08/bri… Take this passage: notice that, now, even voting rights, a fundamentally political issue, is being ticked into the category of the culture war. /2
Mar 29 7 tweets 2 min read
On this historic day when President Biden signed the Emmett Till Antilynching Act, it is important to remember how hard opponents fought such legislation and for how long. Here is part of Senator William E. Borah’s widely quoted speech against such legislation from Jan 1938. /1 The essence of Borah's argument was that "we cannot enforce a law when public opinion is not behind the law." So many advocates of the rule of law, like Borah, threw up their hands in this way when it came to federal protection of African American civil rights./2
Mar 29 4 tweets 1 min read
This gap is roughly 25 times as long as the infamous 18.5 minute gap in the recording of a discussion between President Nixon and his COS Bob Haldeman for which Nixon’s Secretary Rose Mary Woods took the blame during the Watergate scandal. washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/… This gap in the White House phone logs might be even harder to explain that Woods' implausible claim that she accidentally deleted portions of the tape.
Mar 28 4 tweets 2 min read
Given what we know —and unanswered questions about Cruz’s communications with his “longtime friend” Eastman, the White House, and other groups, it is incredible that the Jan 6 Committee has not subpoenaed him or even asked for his voluntary cooperation. /1 washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/… I really wish the media would stop repeating the phrase that there was no “widespread fraud,” which implies that there might have been some significant fraud that was not quite “widespread.” But there was none of that either./2
Mar 27 4 tweets 2 min read
This article never specifies what made Stefanik a “moderate” in the first place. nytimes.com/2022/03/27/us/… This isn’t exactly compelling evidence.
Mar 24 4 tweets 2 min read
I don’t know what a “racial overtone” is. ⁦@APStylebook⁩ has said that it is best not to use euphemisms like this. Moreover, such framing doesn’t account for the agency of the Senators who asked the questions that Judge Jackson “endured.” 1/ washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/… Rather than highlighting the nature of the questions from the White Senators, calling them “charged exchanges” involving “racial components” (another term without clear meaning) suggests inaccurately that Jackson was equally complicit in the “racial overtones.” She was. It./2
Mar 22 7 tweets 3 min read
What Blackburn did is so much worse than “Borking,” which amounted to quoting from and describing Robert Bork’s extremist views accurately. Blackburn, in contrast, purposely lied and knowingly took Jackson’s statements out of context to defame her. /1 nytimes.com/2022/03/21/us/… More than 40 years later, we still regularly hear about how the Democrats "broke norms" and tried to "destroy Bork's reputation," as Henry Olsen claimed recently./2
nytimes.com/2012/12/21/opi…
Mar 21 4 tweets 2 min read
In this piece, Olsen repeats myths about the case of Robert Bork and about the "radically different judicial philosophies" of Republicans and Democrats. /1
washingtonpost.com/opinions/2022/… On Bork he says "Democrats broke norms" and tried "to destroy Bork’s reputation." Neither is accurate. As @KevinMKruse noted a few years ago, Bork got a full heading and was opposed by a number of Republicans./2