Nate Cohn Profile picture
Sep 13, 2020 6 tweets 2 min read Read on X
I have no idea what Bloomberg will do in the end, but I'll just note that there's not necessarily much reason to assume that this is it.
The Bloomberg playbook in '18 often involved striking very late. Most of the time, they didn't show their hand until they played it. And why should they? There's plenty of evidence that late ads are most effective. Striking late means no opportunity to organize a counter.
That's quite different, of course, than the Bloomberg 20 primary: just blanket the ad for five months before Super Tuesday. And there's no reason they couldn't have done that in the general, and go on air in the big six in June or something
But there's also no reason they can't still do the 2018 move: identify the places where a) ad spending is most limited, b) where you think you think a push can get you over, and then strike overwhelmingly, as late as possible.
There's really no reason at this stage why Bloomberg couldn't do the 2020 equiv of 2018: pump 400m into TX/GA/OH/Miami media market or something over the final three weeks. And if he was going to do that, why would he say so now? That would be a colossal mistake
Anyway, I'm most certainly not saying he's going to do that. Who knows! But I do think it's quite keeping with what he's done in the past, and it wouldn't be ruled out by his inaction to this point--to the contrary, they'd have every reason not to move until the last second

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More from @Nate_Cohn

Apr 13
One thing I've been experimenting with since our GOP oversample this summer: weighting our polls by each partisanship subgroup, which has the consequence of ensuring that each subgroup used in weighting has the right number of Dems and Republicans
The main downside is that our estimates for self-reported education by voter file party are modeled, and that's something I've had pause about. I'm gradually getting more comfortable with it, as the party x edu tallies for the typically weighted sample seem consistent with subgroup
Perhaps surprisingly, there's essentially no difference in our topline results between polls weighted by party and those weighted across the full population. The differences by subgroup are surprisingly minor, as well
Read 8 tweets
Apr 10
I happened to be looking a lot at Pew data last few weeks, even before this most recent partisanship study, so I wanted to share a few interesting observations about trends I noticed in their data
pewresearch.org/politics/2024/…
One thing I noticed: subtle but persistent, multi-year differences between the partisan splits by demographic on the Pew ATP -- the mostly mail-to-web panel they use for this study -- and the Pew NPORS study (the one-off high-incentie mail survey they use for weighting the ATP
The most striking thing, IMO, is that the Pew ATP consistently has more age and racial polarization than the NPORS Image
Read 10 tweets
Feb 14
*Tosses meat into cage* nytimes.com/2024/02/14/ups…
A few outtakes:
-- By our (rough and preliminary) estimates, this looks to be yet another zero-persuasion (off Biden '20) special. We'll have to see final vote history, but at least in Nassau it looks just as we'd expect given the party reg turnout
-- We'll see how the dust settles, but I do think it could be significant if the result is interpreted as showing Dem strength on the border messaging. If that narrative takes hold + Dems are emboldened to follow on, that's quite helpful on their worst issue
Read 5 tweets
Jan 17
lol well did I get replies to this!
A few notes on special elections / clarifications
1) Specials are driven by turnout. The data is unequivocal as long as I've been looking at them with our rich data, going back to 2017. That should not be remotely surprising, as the as the people who know about/vote in specials are highly parstisan -- just like all of you!
2) Special elections therefore tell us something about enthusiasm/engagement among highly engaged voters, which is helpful in predicting low turnout contests. It is less significant as turnout increases, but may still helpful to Dems (see favorable LV/RV gap in NYT/Siena '23)
Read 11 tweets
Dec 19, 2023
We have a new NYT/Siena national survey, and it's an interesting one -- with the public sympathetic toward Israel but disapproving of Biden on the issue and split on whether Israel should continue military operations.
It also has interesting '24 numbers...
nytimes.com/2023/12/19/ups…
Trump leads 46-44 among RVs, but *Biden* actually leads in our first measure of the likely electorate nationwide, 47-45.
The split is driven by a huge gap in vote choice by turnout history: Biden+6 among '20 voters; Trump+22 among 2020 nonvoters
nytimes.com/2023/12/19/ups…
We've seen a similar pattern in our polling over the last year, with Biden excelling among regular and esp '22 voters.
But this is the largest split by '20 vote, and as a consequence it's a bigger LV gain for Biden than prior polls would have shown.
Read 6 tweets
Nov 22, 2023
One thing I've seen over the last few days: a lot of people asserting that, in a variety of different ways, pre-election polls aren't very useful for demographic subgroups
I have to completely disagree.
Stepping back, it's my long-standing view that the pre-election polls are the best basis for post-election estimates -- and, in particular, better than exits.
For ex, all these estimates were based on pre-election polling:
nytimes.com/2016/06/10/ups…
This was already true back in 2012 and 2016, but it's become indisputable in the era of early voting. The exits are mostly pre-election polls at this point. AP/Votecast is just a pre-election poll. Catalist is also derived from pre-election polling. And so on.
Read 13 tweets

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