How efficient markets are vs how efficient economists believe they are: our paper looking at more than 600 experimental markets is just accepted at @RevOfFinStudies!
Markets are “strongly efficients” if prices reflect *all* the private and public information available.
They are “semi-strongly” efficient if they only reflect all the public information.
Economists tend to think that financial markets are fairly informationally efficient. 2/
With my colleague Christoph Siemroth, we had previously found that experimental markets’ prices can have seemingly paradoxical properties: they are on average equal to the fundamental value, but they often differ from the existing information! 3/ sciencedirect.com/science/articl…
A simple intuition can account for it: market prices can be *accurate* on average, but *imprecise* in how they reflect the existing information.
Unbiased prices should not be taken as a sign of efficiency. Efficiency also requires for prices to precisely reflect information. 4/
How could market prices be accurate *and* imprecise? Suppose markets incorporate *some* information randomly. Then prices would act as a kind of poll: they would be unbiased on average, but if limited information goes into prices, they would have a large variance. 5/
We designed a statistical procedure to estimate the average proportion of information which would give the kind of accuracy & precision we observed in prices. We then used this procedure on our market data.
If you had a guess: what proportion do you think we found? 6/
I asked this question in a poll yesterday. The mode of the distribution is 40%-60% of the information.
We asked 300 economists who attended Econometric Society meetings and they said on average 71% of information would be incorporated in experimental market prices. Noticeably, the result for financial prices was close: 77%!
This is the type of answer we would have found reasonable initially but when we ran our analysis, we found... only 10%‼️
We thought there was an error and checked everything but there was no issue in our analysis.
So we asked the experimental data to colleagues having run similar studies and accumulated observations on more than 600 markets. We found... only between 10%-30% of the private information was incorporated!
Noticeably we find that public information is very well incorporated in prices but not private information. It means market prices may not be that good at aggregating diffuse knowledge in society.
An example are betting markets used to predict... elections.
This result raise a more fundamental point on price efficiency. Economists like efficient price because it is an equilibrium with rational traders. But this equilibrium is a static concept. It does not say anything about how traders would progressively reveal their information.
Our finding suggests that the process by which traders’ private information would be progressively revealed through their trade may be more difficult than we have assumed.
A big thank to the editor and reviewers for their constructive comments and suggestions. And thanks also to our colleagues who gave us access to their experimental data. It allowed us to reach a sample size rarely reached in experimental economics.
End/
Because talking to each other seems easy to us, we typically underappreciate the amazing cognitive feats we achieve in our everyday conversations. A 🧵
While computers are extremely good at tasks humans find hard, like making complex calculations, they have struggled with tasks that humans find almost trivially easy, like language. It is part of the "Moravec paradox".
Our everyday communications may seem simple, but underneath, they are shaped by deep principles of cooperation that determine what we say and how we say it.
We frequently lament the lack of quality information in the media. Yet, as consumers, we often seek not what's most accurate, but what aligns with our views. This shifts the information marketplace into a "marketplace of rationalisations". A🧵
Concerns about the media aren't new. In the 20th century, intellectuals voiced worries about corporate mass media indoctrinating and dumbing down the public in ways that favoured the status quo of the political and economic order.
With the advent of the internet, there was hope for a decentralised public sphere, rich in idea exchange. But reality diverged from this ideal marketplace of ideas. Instead, concerns have risen about people increasingly being influenced by unreliable information.
Why hasn't the Internet worked as a great public space where the best ideas win? Perhaps because it isn't how debates operate. Behind intellectual arguments, people aren't impartial thinkers; they advocate for their team.
A🧵on how coalitional thinking shapes our discussions.
Introductory example. When a Hayek citation criticising men's overconfidence was shared on a libertarian website, it was very poorly received. Ironically, the quote was from Hayek, the free-market economist. Who "said" it greatly influenced how the quote was perceived.
John Tooby--who recently passed away--and his wife Leda Cosmides, founded an influential school of evolutionary psychology. In a 2010 article, they highlighted the importance of our "coalitional psychology," that guides us in navigating ingroup cooperation & outgroup competition.
Why reason fails: Our modern lives are teeming with technology, informed by scientific understanding. But at the same time, irrational beliefs, from superstition to vaccine hesitancy, are still widespread. How is it possible?
👉Reason is likely not the tool we think it is. A 🧵
It is common to think of reason—the ability to form judgments logically—as what sets humans apart from other animals. It’s the way it's presented in the iconic sequence 2001: A Space Odyssey, where a black monolith endows apes with the capacity to build tools... and spaceships.
Paradoxically, while humans have been able to gain mastery over their environment thanks to an understanding of the laws of nature, the public’s faith in science is often lacking, even in rich and technologically advanced countries.
A few years ago you joined this new organisation full of motivation and drive.
If today you are disenchanted and wonder why your workplace is frustratingly far from achieving its stated goals, this post is for you! A🧵
Corporate communication is filled these days with over-the-top positivity. Everything is awesome; everybody is great. But it often feels like an artificial veneer to those seasoned employees who have been there for a while.
Our disillusion with our workplace comes from an initial illusion: the picture of a unitary organisation dedicated to fulfilling a goal.
An organisation is constituted by contracts between individuals with imperfectly aligned interests.
In many countries, petrol prices do something strange: they follow regular cycles unrelated to changes in international oil prices. Economists have recently elucidated how these cycles work, revealing how firms don’t merely compete but also coordinate when setting prices. A🧵
These petrol price cycles have a name: Edgeworth cycles. They have a “sawtooth pattern”: a rapid hike followed by a slow decline. They have been observed in Australia, Austria, Canada, Germany, Norway, and the US.
The economist Francis Y. Edgeworth (1925) suggested that price cycles could arise in situations where competition is imperfect.