I think it's fairly clear that our polling suggests that Biden's rebounded among northern white rural voters, whether in ME/MN/IA, but not at all in the South (not surprisingly):
Rural/exurban white voters:
TX: Trump 80, Biden 16
GA: Trump 82, Biden 14
IA: Trump 45, Biden 42
With Biden lagging a bit in PA compared to other Obama-Trump states in the polls, I think it's reasonable to theorize that the Appalachian white vote has been a bit more like the Southern rural white vote in this respect, or maybe even trended further Trump
This pattern has shown up in a number of recent primaries, including the GOP '16 primary. Trump swept the Southern/Appalachian white vote, including PA, while he struggled a bit in the more Midwestern/northern states
Ohio is an interesting mix here: the northwestern part of the state is more reminiscent of the Upper Midwest; the eastern/southern part of the state is more Appalachian. It was pretty stark in the GOP '16 primary, in fact
Also interesting to compare this to self-reported 2016 vote among validated '16 voters:
Iowa: Trump 50, Clinton 36
Texas: Trump 83, Clinton 12
Georgia: Trump 85, Clinton 13
Looking across all of our polling, you can see an interesting pattern of Dem suburban v. rural gains by region. I think it makes a lot of sense of the shifts we see
PA is the rare state with some northern metros but kinda southern rural. Bad combo for Biden. A state like AZ--very little rural vote, Sun Belt metro--could be great for Biden, as our poll found. No surprise to see Biden surges in rural north, like our MT poll
Here again, Ohio is an interesting case. It does have plenty of suburbs and you could call them northern, but they are *red* suburbs, unlike PHI, for ex., and that could be the real factor underpinning whether Biden has opportunities for a big breakthrough
I didn't label that clearly btw--but that chart is only among white voters, hence the Trump lead in the metro South
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
As you may have read, our colleagues in the Tech Guild are on strike. While they don't play a role in the model itself, they built and maintain the infrastructure that feeds us data and lets us publish on the internet
This is true of everything on the nyt (including our results pages), but the needle is a huge data load, it's more brittle, and we've only published it a handful of times (v 1000s of results pages). There will be bugs and it could be hard to debug
A final point that I *hope* is obvious from the whole of my work, but may not be obvious if you only read individual snippets: I have no idea whether our polls (or any polls) polls be "right", too good for Harris, or too good for Trump.
No one does.
This cycle, I've tried to offer real meat to these scenarios with evidence -- not just abstract "30% harris landslide, 30% trump landslide, 40% too close.
If you personally found some of that evidence more convincing than others, that's great. Me? I have no idea
A quick summation of some of those points
- There's no reason to believe pollsters 'fixed' what went wrong in 2020
- There's some evidence nonresponse bias may be better, but also evidence it's still there / no reason to assume it's gone. Unknown whether weighting fixes
The final Times/Siena polls of the campaign show a dead-heat, with Harris gaining along late deciders in the Sun Belt while the Rust Belt tightens nytimes.com/2024/11/03/us/…
Whatever happens on Tuesday, the polls suggest that Harris has mostly reassembled the Democratic coalition in the battlegrounds, with Harris still gaining among Black, Hispanic and younger voters It was just a few months ago that we had Trump 9 or 12 pts in GA/NV v. Biden!
At the same time, Trump ha consolidated white working class voters down the stretch -- including erasing Harris' lead in Michigan and Pennsylvania. Suddenly, it's a much more 2020-like battleground map
For real! There isn't any polling, there's a lot of evidence that nearby New York is going poorly for Democrats, it's a diverse state, and the New Jersey Democratic showing in 21/22 was not great either
Unfortunately, the NJ sample across our national polling isn't very large but... what we do have does suggest above-average Trump gains, even after being weighted statewide (whether you look at the Trump-Harris sample or the larger sample adding Biden-Trump)
A few comments on the Times/Siena polls, based on some replies I see
1. One thing worth keeping in mind in the great 'recall vote' debate is that the decision was made in late 21/early 22.
The reasons were straightforward: it made polls less accurate, including our 2020 polls. It was basically the only way to make them worse.
It was also an especially fraught moment for recall vote, IMO. At the time, it wasn't clear Trump would run; it was possible he would be in jail by now. Even if it helped in '22 (it didn't for us), the risk for '24 was obvious and extraordinary
Harris 78, Trump 15 in our Times/Siena oversample of Black voters.
In our 2020 national polls, Biden led 83-6 among Black voters. nytimes.com/2024/10/12/us/…
I'll have more on this soon, but if you're the sort of person squinting at whether Trump will win 13 or 16 percent of the Black vote, it's worth flagging the sensitivity of that kind of question to different definitions of "Black" and varying turnout
The poll result here takes a broadly inclusive definition of Black voters, including multiracial and Hispanic Black voters (Black alone or in combination, as the Census would put it).
Harris is up 80-13 with the narrower group of voters who are only Black, not multiracial