Ulrich Speck Profile picture
Sep 25, 2020 10 tweets 2 min read Read on X
EU foreign policy: ending the unanimity requirement by introducing some sort of majority voting (QMV) on foreign affairs has become the next holy grail in the debate. Quick thread.
Yet we have to get rid of the idea that some sort of institutional arrangement will end the disagreement and produce magically a united, coherent EU capable and will to act like a great power on the world stage.
We have been there before. Once it was the introduction of a Brussels-based diplomatic service and a foreign minister-like figure that would end the „gridlock“. Yet we have both now, and still no broad consensus, rather the opposite.
The question of how to turn a joint market into a world power remains unresolved. And QMV want change that. Bigger countries will always find a way to do what they want once the issue matters to them. And smaller countries usually cut their deals with the big countries.
The real problem lies elsewhere. In past decades, the US has operated as some sort of umbrella for Europe: defender, guarantor and strategic leader. Now this umbrella is largely gone (with the big exception of defense), and the global environment has become far more competitive.
As a consequence, European countries have to figure out themselves where they want to go geopolitically. Their answers are a result of traditions, fears and ambitions. Yet as their answers are national, they are also different, and there is little agreement on major issues.
In order to move from a joint market towards a coherent global power, EU countries would have to align their national strategies, from threat perceptions to ambitions, and they would have to overcome growing power competition inside the EU, to some extent at least.
A more coherent joint EU foreign and security policy then depends on the ability and will of individual member states, especially France and Germany, but also Italy, Poland, Spain, and smaller countries, to build alliances inside the EU — win hearts and minds of their peers.
The form than follows the function: Bilateral, mini-lateral, E3, EU-27, sometimes NATO; whatever works. Key is the substance, the content.
In short, there is no magic institutional formula that will save EU countries from the hard work of working out strategies on the main dossiers together with their EU partners. The ability and will to build intra-EU alliances with the most relevant peers is the key to success.

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More from @ulrichspeck

Apr 16
Interesting read. Yet the authors downplay Russia's war aims and they largely assume that Putin negotiated in good faith.
The evidence presented here is more consistent with another interpretation: that Russia was hoping to force Ukraine into a settled surrender through the talks. They knew that the West would not sign anything that entailed the obligation to go to war with Russia.
Russia since 2014 has used both, war and talks, to achieve what it wants, the full submission of Ukraine. There's nothing new with this. Talks are just another tactic to achieve the overall goal, the elimination of Ukraine as an independent state and as a nation.
Read 7 tweets
Apr 12
There are rumors that the US is trying to push a settlement between Russia and Ukraine.

Very unlikely that this works even temporarily.

But in any case, European military support for Ukraine must massively grow. Only way to contain and deter Russia is military counter-pressure.
It would be naive, or suicidal, to think that Russia would honor any agreement; the only borders it doesn't cross are borders that are well protected -- through credible deterrence. In order to get there, Europeans must invest quickly and massively in Ukraine's armed forces.
The question -- if those rumors are true and if Putin thinks a deal with Biden is better than one potentially with Trump (very big if) -- would not be deal OR deterrence through military strength. The latter will always be essential.
Read 7 tweets
Apr 8
We're dealing with the wrong historical analogy. The threat for Europe is not to slip involuntarily into a world war as in 1914, a fashionable analogy since 2014 when everybody had read books about 1914 and compared it to the dispute with Russia over Crimea and Donbas.
This analogy has assumed that nobody wants a real war, which made preventing misunderstandings the key challenge.
Since early 2021/22 however we know a) that Russia does not accept Ukrainian statehood, b) that it is ready for a major confrontation with the West, c) that it is ready to wage major wars, d) that the ultimate goal is to drive the US out of Europe and to dominate Eurasia.
Read 14 tweets
Apr 2
The question Russia is putting to Europe: are you willing to defend the liberal, free and open order you have been provided with by the US after WWII (Western Europe) and after the Cold War (Central Europe)?
For decades, all Europeans had to do was to broadly follow the America lead, and in return they were provided with a regional (European) and global order that gave them more freedom, prosperity and security than ever in their history.
For the US, since the end of the Cold War to maintain this order was very cheap. Yet instead of integrating, Russia and China now are challenging this order, which makes its maintenance far more costly. The US won't do it (largely) alone anymore.
Read 6 tweets
Mar 31
Jein. Schröder ist nicht einfach "Gaslobbyist", das ist eine Verharmlosung, als ginge es einfach nur um wirtschaftliche Interessen. Er arbeitet für geopolitische Kreml-Interessen: Gas ist für Putin nicht nur wirtschaftliches Gut, sondern auch Waffe im Kampf um Dominanz.
Wir wissen, dass Schröder sehr aktiv in Europa und vor allem Deutschland dafür gearbeitet hat, die Nord Stream 2-Pipeline durchzusetzen.
Anfang 2016, als noch nicht ganz klar, ob Merkel grünes Licht geben würde, sagte mir der Vertreter eines Wirtschaftsverbandes: Nord Stream 2 wird gebaut, Gerhard Schröder hat es mir gesagt.
Read 11 tweets
Mar 21
Ob Scholz Mützenich grünes Licht für den "Einfrieren"-Versuchsballon gegeben hat oder nicht ist letzten Endes zweitrangig. Scholz könnte die Führungsposition ausfüllen, indem er öffentlich sichtbar an einer Ukraine-Strategie arbeitet und das auch immer wieder mitteilt.
Er tut dies nicht, sondern verlässt sich auf wenige Formeln, die er vor zwei Jahren entwickelt hat, weitgehend, indem er an amerikanischen strategische Leitplanken orientiert hat.
Das Führungsvakuum wird dann eben von anderen gefüllt, ob mit oder ohne Billigung des Kanzlers.
Read 14 tweets

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