It's a complicated story. The key thing is that Trump goes hunting where the ducks are. Before Trump, Steve Bannon and others recognized immigration as an extremely hot, though often avoided, issue that viscerally activated much of the GOP base.
It's possible that if Trump had launched his campaign a day earlier or a day later than June 16, 2015, he might have focused on something else. But he defined himself with that "not sending their best" line.
In 2015 and half of 2016, Trump absolutely engaged in outreach to the Alt-Right writ large, as did outlets like Breitbart by mid-2016. This allowed Trump to do an end run around the establishment—and, ironically, his future base, the Religious Right, which then backed Cruz.
In the primaries, Trump was gaining huge support outside the South among Red State voters who lived in Blue states. This was the basis of his unlikely—and likely unplanned!—"rustbelt" electoral-college strategy in the general: Trump won over former Obama voters and non-voters.
By 2017, Trump was consolidating support among mainline Republicans, as can be seen in his appointments and his early policy "wins," like incoherently ending Obamacare, cutting taxes, and lobbing bombs into the Middle East.
Today, the GOP establishment seems to be warily aligned with Trump—they're milking the cow for all its got. And Trump has stabilized things by dumping the Alt-Right and activating the Religious Right, which has been a long-time GOP constituency.
At this point, Trump as "the immigration president" is like a distant memory. He's the president of the MAGA Cult, which has a great deal of crossover with the Tea Party and Religious Right.
I hear a lot of people say things like, "Trump will lose because he never did anything for his base!" The reality is, Trump's current base doesn't include the people saying this. The Religious Right and MAGA Cult very much feel like he's done a lot for them. They adore him.
Flipping your bases of support is not a great way to *accumulate* support. Again, Trump goes hunting where the ducks are—but this seems to entail turning off his former supporters. Trump might lose the Midwest. Indeed, it's looking that way.
My fantasy of Trump's first term involves him continuing to focus on immigration and dumping the GOP establishment and Paul Ryan's House—and aligning with "Chuck and Nancy" on healthcare, immigration reform, and infrastructure. But that bold strategy is the stuff of fancy.
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I've noted a right-wing backlash against Fuentes for meeting with Trump. In summary, "You're ruining his reputation!"
I understand this...but it strikes me as deriving largely from jealousy. I don't blame Fuentes for meeting with the rich and powerful. I would certainly do (and have done) the same thing.
The issue is really the promotion on social media of the private turkey dinner. This was done by Milo (and Ye likely at Milo's behest). If you're going to have a tete-a-tete, you've got to keep that stuff secret. Milo turned the event into a media frenzy.
I don't quite know what to make of the China-related material. But might the Iran documents tell us something about the dynamics at play with regard to Trump, Iran, the Saudis and UAE—and, yes, Russia?
Avoiding any "Russiagate" hysteria, it's safe to say Trump was Moscow's preferred candidate in 2016. Trump returned the love, and, to be fair, much of what he said was reasonable and "realist": Why not get along with Russia? Why aren't NATO countries paying their fair share? etc.
Steve Bannon has earned the fanatical, irrational support of MAGA, who have no concept of politics or policy outside owning the libs. Lib-owning martyrdom will certainly appeal to them. Four months is a small price to pay for decades-long grift.
In a way, I'm surprised that Bannon could accomplish this. Back in 2017, he was fired for disrespecting Trump to various journalists and authors, even floating the use of the 25th amendment. (Perhaps he imagined himself taking over MAGA in Trump's place?).
Secondly, the "We Build The Wall" scam was so brazenly criminal, I'm genuinely shocked that anyone would take him seriously afterwards. I should have remembered this certain White infatuation with evangelical preachers, charlatans, and snake-oil salesmen.
The notion that Elon is sitting on $44 billion in cash is ridiculous. He’ll sell Tesla stock to purchase Twitter, and that stock is crashing as a result. It’s a vicious cycle, which, in a worst case scenario, eventuates in Musk losing his stake in the Tesla.
Currently, Elon’s 17% of Tesla is worth $128 billion dollars. But again, selling large chunks of this directly lowers the overall value, creating a cascade effect: The price keeps going down, forcing Elon to sell more shares.
Conservative and “New Right” Musk fanboys are hilarious. First, they announced that Elon was saving free speech; then they claimed that Elon was fake-purchasing Twitter to expose it or secretly destroy it. What do they say now?
In the weeks leading up to the 2020 election, Tim Pool made some rather remarkable predictions.
My point is not to dunk on a person who's clearly dumb, or call Pool a "grifter." What's most important is that Pool paid no real price, in terms of his audience's reaction, to his idiotic claims. In fact, his audience still loves him and treats him like a brave truth-teller.
Pool has an arrangement (or business model) with his audience: he boldly tells them nonsense, or at least misrepresents reports on current event. His audience gets good vibes and pays him for what is effectively entertainment.
#AlexJones dug his own grave. He can’t whine about the 1A when he actively ignored and defaulted in the trial where that was very much at stake.
A plausible, if not necessarily winning, defense could have been attempted based on the *Snyder v. Phelps* decision, in which SCOTUS upheld the Westboro Baptist Church’s right to demean the memory of fallen soldiers at their own funerals (!)—provided it was political speech.
Jones could have plausibly said that he was not engaged in harassment of individuals; he engaged in political speech against “the globalists” or some such; he got the facts wrong but not maliciously so. (I don’t say this as an admirer of Jones; I say it to be fair.)