Lawrence Glickman Profile picture
Sep 29, 2020 11 tweets 3 min read Read on X
I love this story so much because it replicates the story I tell to begin Chapter 4 of FREE ENTERPRISE: in 1948 the 15 y.o. son of DeWitt Emery, a leading free enterpriser, has to write an essay explaining free enterprise but can't find a definition for it any reference work. /1
Emery was so upset by this that he sent his secretary to the Chicago Public Library, where, despite being assisted by three top-notch reference librarians, she was unable to find a definition of free enterprise either./2
This set off what I call in my book a "free enterprise freakout," a periodic condition of free enterprise discourse, the first of which happened in 1943, when a Gallup Poll revealed that only 3 in 10 Americans could define the term "free enterprise."/3
The interesting thing about the Gallup Poll is that George Gallup's article about this in Nov, 1943, which highlighted the danger of this condition of ignorance, offered no definition of the term either./4
As I show in my book, this concern set off a wave of free enterprise definition contests, of the sort that Emery's son, a high school freshman, participated in as did thousands of students around the country./5
The advertising journal PRINTERS INK even held a juried contest in 1944, in which ad men and women were invited to send in their best definition that "John Q. Public could understand."/6
The journal received dozens of entries but its editors ultimately abandoned the contest because Leonard Dreyfuss, the ad man who suggested the contest, was displeased with all of them. /7
Pat Frayne, a labor reporter, offered my favorite response: this phrase, long "used a cliche-club over the head of organized labor and cliche-cloak for management," was now shown to have "neither a dictionary for a father nor an encyclopedia for a mother." /8
Free enterprisers soon turned this problem into a virtue by describing it as "traditional,", with deep roots in history extending back to the Founders at least, and also a species of American "common sense."/9
If you are interested in reading more about the (mostly failed) quest to define free enterprise and how this contested term evolved to stand primarily in opposition to the New Deal, and, later, the New Deal Order, here is a link to my @yalepress book./10
yalebooks.yale.edu/book/978030023…
Oh, and one other relevant thread in my book is that advocates of "free enterprise" were so frustrated by their inability to define it that they periodically discussed ditching the phrase and replacing it with something else./11

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More from @LarryGlickman

Oct 5, 2023
One important point missing from the discourse about Steve Scalise calling himself ‘David Duke without the baggage,’ is that, when he used the label, this was already a viable political lane, one used to describe other politicians, before Scalise. /1
theguardian.com/us-news/2023/o…
In 1990, the Alexandria Town Talk used the phrase "David Duke without the baggage" to describe a winning political formula in Louisiana politics. /2 Image
In 1991, U.S. Rep. Clyde Holloway, seeking to advance in the Governor's race, said he was "a great alternative to David Duke, without all the baggage."/3 Image
Read 6 tweets
Sep 28, 2023
A central fact is that, in the midst of a UAW strike, Trump spoke last night at a nonunion factory. Yet the @nytimes mentions this only at the end of the 6th paragraph and the @washingtonpost brings it up in only the 19th paragraph. These are failures of framing./1
It seems disingenuous for the Times subhed to claim that both Trump and Biden spoke to people "affected by the United Automobile Workers strike," without mentioning at the outset that only one of them spoke directly to striking workers. /2
nytimes.com/2023/09/28/us/…
Similarly, for the Post headline to be that Trump "demands union votes" without mentioning at the outset that he did so at a nonunion factory strikes me as somewhat misleading./3
washingtonpost.com/politics/2023/…
Read 6 tweets
Mar 27, 2023
A few comments on this piece, which makes some good points but also imo mischaracterizes key issues. /1 nytimes.com/2023/03/27/bri…
To say, "Today’s left is less...patriotic than the country as a whole and less concerned about crime and border security," is to take the conservative critique of "the left" as accurate rather than the perspective of those who self-define that way./2
In contrast, this summation of the pre-Trump Republican Party accepts their self-description: "Republicans were mostly comfortable pushing for lower taxes and smaller government (other than the military)."/3
Read 7 tweets
Mar 17, 2023
No doubt, GOP rhetoric in 2024 is "dark," perhaps unprecedentedly so, but this piece understates the continuity in the apocalyptic style in conservative political speech./1
washingtonpost.com/politics/2023/…
There's not much "sanguine optimism," in Ronald Reagan's fearmongering 1961 anti-Medicare speech, which ends with his claim that "you and I are going to spend our sunset years telling our children... what it once was like in America when men were free."/2
americanrhetoric.com/speeches/ronal…
Here's a thread I did last year on a NY Times article that posited a similar discontinuity./3
Read 4 tweets
Mar 10, 2023
Republican claims of being angry--visceral or otherwise--is often reported as being newsworthy in itself, in a way that it is not for other groups in society.
One of the modes of elite victimization is to take claims of anger among the powerful to be a self-justifying force, rather than to address the question of what justifies that anger. /2
A good question to ask is why are they angry about the enforcement of the law--in this case ensuring that the wealthy actually pay the taxes they owe?/3
Read 8 tweets
Mar 8, 2023
I'm not sure I agree with George Packer that focusing on "terrible subjects" necessarily produces "fatalism" or "shame."/1
"Punctured myths make us better students of history, but they leave nothing to live up to. Shame is a shaky foundation for any project of renewal." I'm not sure why the first claim necessarily follows or why history should necessarily promote a "project of renewal." /2
Moreover, I don't think that the history of "terrible subjects" is necessarily based on a model of producing feelings of "shame." /3
Read 6 tweets

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