1/n In today's thread, I want to take a look at India's NDC target of reducing the GHG intensity of GDP by 33-35% by 2030, compared to 2005.
I argue that this target is essentially BAU, because India's GHG intensity of GDP is declining as a natural part of development.
Thread
2/n If we take a long run view of the GHG intensity of India's economy since 1947, it can be seen that GHG intensity peaked in about 1985 and has been declining ever since.
Why is this?
3/n Firstly, this pattern is common to developing countries across the long-run development trajectory:
- China
- South Korea
- Thailand
- Japan
All experienced this kind of peak and decline structure (Japan and Thailand somewhat early than I graph here).
Why is this?
4/n The first explanatory variable is structural change away from agriculture.
We can break down GHG intensity into non-energy GHG and energy GHG intensity of GDP, and plot them separately.
India's non-energy GHG collapsed from 1985 to the present by almost a factor 6 👇
5/n This is essentially because the share of agriculture in GDP started to decline strongly in the late 1970s and early 1980s, as non-agriculture sectors took off after reforms.
Agriculture is very GHG intensive, because it's low value added and high GWP (CH4, N2O etc)
6/n You see this pattern everywhere.
For example, in Thailand, where agriculture collapsed from >35% of GDP to about 5%, the non-energy GHG intensity of GDP fell by almost a factor 10 across the period I have data for.
7/n The second pattern that we see is that energy intensity of GDP increases early in the development process, and then peaks and declines.
In India this peak of energy intensity occurred in the 1980s, around the time economic reforms made the whole economy more efficient.
8/n This pattern of peak and decline in energy intensity is repeated in China, South Korea, Thailand, Indonesia, with country-specific factors changing the timing of the peak and the shape and height of the curve.
9/n Total GHG intensity is =
Non-Energy GHG/GDP + (Energy/GDP * Carbon / Energy)
Two of these three terms, non-energy / GDP and energy /GDP, decline naturally as part of the development process.
As long as Carbon / Energy doesn't rise, GHG / GDP will go down.
10/n So what can we expect for India in the future? 1. The share of agriculture will continue to decline -> Non-Energy GHG/GDP will go down. 2. GDP will continue to grow faster than energy consumption -> Energy / GDP will go down.
11/n 3. Carbon / Energy will not rise, and will probably fall.
The biggest uncertainty here has nothing to do with climate policy, but how fast India industrializes.
Energy/GDP rose in China, South Korea and Thailand high investment growth booms in the 1990s or 2000s.
12/n If India goes through such a phase, the decline of Energy/GDP could slow.
If, on the other hand, India's industrialization slows down the rate of decline agriculture's share in GDP could slow, which would slow the rate of decline in non-energy GHG/GDP.
13/n So my conclusions: 1. For emerging countries GHG/GDP is always changing, because GDP is changing. 2. This makes it a bad metric for assessing climate policy stringency. 3. India is likely to blow past is GHG/GDP target because of natural changes in its economy.
14/n 4. Climate policy plays a role of course, notably in ensuring continued improvements in energy/GDP and decline in carbon/energy (as is likely to happen in India). 5. Setting intensity targets should consider the natural changes that are already occurring.
End.
15/n Data sources: 1. Long-run GHG: Primap. 2. Long-run GDP: Maddison 3. Energy consumption and energy CO2: BP. 4. Agriculture share in GDP: World Bank.
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Clean energy technologies grew strongly in 2023. Solar PV, driven by China, grew 420 GW and wind around 120 GW.
That's another ~550 TWh of clean electricity coming online this year (a lot of this capacity came online at the end of 2023, and will only be felt fully in 2024)
Extreme weather, notably very bad droughts, and continued Covid reopening in the aviation sector and China's transport sector drove around 70% of the increase in emissions at the global level.
1/n Today the @IEA released a special report on the role of coal in net zero transitions. With this thread I want to highlight some of the key findings of the report.
Thread iea.org/news/achieving…
2/n Firstly, energy transitions are not and cannot be just about coal. In the central scenario in our report, advanced economies act strongly this decade already on emissions from oil and gas, as well as coal.
3/n But for three reasons, we need to focus on coal: 1.It’s the largest source of CO2, and far from declining 2.It’s increasingly under pressure in electricity
3.Coal is important for local jobs and development
So what are the key messages?
2/10
Firstly, this book gets an A-plus for the pun (visual and titular) that you get right from the cover.
@Rukmini is a data journalist from Chennai, one of the field's Indian pioneers and a leading voice in interpreting India's covid experience.
3/10
Her book brings together four key characteristics of a good data journalist.
First, she has a sensitivity to the importance of the process of data production. A fascinating description of how all is not what it seems in data on sexual assualt is a case in point.
1/n Today we published a model-based assessment of the grid integration costs of VRE.
Note: we only look at profile and balancing costs, not network costs.
Here I summarize the results in 6 easy tweets.
2/n In all scenarios we study, a short-term 'optimal' level of VRE is substantially higher than current levels, in the order of 40% of total generation.
This is robust to assumptions on demand, storage cost, cost of capital, retirement of end of life assets, etc.
3/n The substitution of expensive energy with cheap VRE allows total system costs to decline as we approach 'optimal VRE', even as total system-wide fixed costs go up.
Basic point: cheap energy + expensive capacity is a winning combination for substantially higher VRE.
1/n We ended 2020 with the news that India's power demand cross 180 GW for the first time. Unusually, this occurred in December, when power demand usually peaks is in summer?
What is going on here? Is it sign of the economic recovery?
Short thread.
2/n Firstly, as I have been repeating, we need to look carefully at both base effect and time period when looking at demand growth.
Monthly demand smooths out daily fluctuations, and comparing 2020 against both 2019 and 2018 shows the importance of the base effect. 👇
3/n Compared against 2018, 2020 monthly demand has registered only a few months of growth since the lockdown effectively ended in June.
Because of the collapse in demand in the second half of 2019, the picture looks more optimistic if we compare against 2019 (low base effect)
At 140 pages, I can't summarize the whole thing in a single thread, but I can do a series of threads.
Today's: H2 in the Indian power sector.
2/n We do a bottom up assessment to 2050 of power demand across all sectors, including direct and indirect electrification (for electrolytic H2 production).
In the low carbon scenario, power demand reaches as much as 6200 TWh by 2050, with almost 1000 TWh of that for H2. 👇
3/n This would consume a very substantial chunk of India's maximum estimated technical potential for onshore wind and solar PV. 👇
The required rate of supply growth and land footprint may be challenging!
This reinforces the message: direct electrification wherever possible.