This white Audi pulled out of a Johannesburg car park one evening in 2016. Inside was André Bekker, a convivial geologist. Minutes later he would be dead. (1/11)
Bekker’s body was found on the back seat of the burned out Audi. A private investigator got nowhere for a while. Then he heard that Bekker had been going around raising doubts about a mining deal involving a multi-billion-dollar London-listed corporation called ENRC. (2/11)
Bekker was not the first person from this perilous world to die in suspicious circumstances. The previous year, in May 2015, James Bethel (left in this picture) and Gerrit Strydom were found dead at a motel in Springfield, Missouri. (3/11)
Bethel and Strydom had held senior positions in the Africa unit of ENRC. That unit is at the centre of a high-stakes corruption case – and they were potential witnesses. (4/11)
The local authorities in Springfield announced the pair had died of malaria. Five years on, medical records I’ve obtained cast serious doubt on that claim. Leaving the question: if malaria did not kill them, what did? (5/11)
In London, the Serious Fraud Office team running the criminal investigation into ENRC’s alleged bribery and fraud in Africa was alarmed by the deaths. (6/11)
The fear caused among investigators and witnesses by these deaths is magnified by not knowing who or what to be afraid of: those who wish to keep ENRC’s affairs secret, any rivals who might wish to harm the company, or figures from the risky places where it does business. (7/11)
ENRC is owned by three central Asian oligarchs: Alexander Machkevitch, Patokh Chodiev and Alijan Ibragimov, aka the Trio. They vigorously challenge any suggestion that there are grounds to suspect them of wrongdoing in connection with the alleged corruption or the deaths. (8/11)
Serious Fraud Office boss Lisa Osofsky now faces a big decision: whether to bring charges, seek a settlement or drop the case. (9/11)
Those who knew James Bethel, Gerrit Strydom and André Bekker know they moved in a dangerous world. They want to discover whether that cost them their lives.
If you want a longer read, see my new book 'KLEPTOPIA: How dirty money is conquering the world' out now from @HarperCollinsUKtomburgis.com/kleptopia (11/11)
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***OUT TODAY*** After three extraordinary years following a thread that led from Conservative HQ to Putin's St Petersburg via Kathmandu and a royal Scottish retreat, my new book CUCKOOLAND is out. It's the tale of a world where the rich own the truth. Our world. 👇🧵
It started back in 2021 when I heard that a rich Conservative donor called Mohamed Amersi had hired lawyers to go after a former MP who'd raised questions about his past, including how he made his money in Russia and elsewhere. ft.com/content/5dab0a…
Not long after, Amersi himself gave a remarkable interview to @Gabriel_Pogrund about how the wealthy buy their way into the British establishment. He called this "access capitalism". thetimes.co.uk/article/access…
If Putin gets to keep the Ukrainian territory he's seized, millions of Ukrainians will be condemned to live under the occupation. My latest @guardian investigation reveals how this gangster regime works. (1/4) theguardian.com/world/2023/dec…
Before the war, Volodymyr Saldo's political career in the Kherson region was on the wane. The police chief says they'd opened a case against him over a contract killing. Now he's beyond the reach of the law - he's Putin's gauleiter. (2/4) facebook.com/ivan.antypenko…
Today, Saldo's occupation regime holds the eastern half of Kherson. Across the river, the liberated western half endures remorseless shelling that kills civilians day after day. I went there to see life on the frontline. (3/4) theguardian.com/world/2023/nov…
Here’s an irony of war. The UK’s position as the global hub for dirty money puts its government in a uniquely strong position to hurt Putin’s kleptocracy - and kleptocrats everywhere - by attacking financial secrecy. (1/4) #Ukraine on.ft.com/2PzCHkA
Sanctions alone lose their bite when corrupt regimes can use the financial secrecy system to dodge them. And London’s “reputation management” law firms are on hand to target reporters who dare to look into the sources of their clients’ wealth. (2/4)
It was the financial secrecy system that helped the Kremlin begin its incursion into eastern Ukraine years ago - using secretive corporate takeovers to capture steel mills. As ever, the key, even as the tanks roll, is to follow the money. (3/4)
Mohamed Amersi calls himself “a renowned global communications entrepreneur, philanthropist and thought leader”. He's given some of his fortune to the Conservatives - a fortune made in part in Putin's Russia. (1/9)
The $4m Amersi made from a 2005 telecoms deal came from a company in a group that was, a Swiss tribunal ruled the following year, secretly owned by Putin's telecoms minister Leonid Reiman. Reiman (2nd right) denies that. Amersi says he believed the owner was a Danish lawyer (2/9)
Amersi mixed with other powerful figures in Russia and went on to do deals elsewhere in the former Soviet Union and the Middle East. (3/9)
He's a billionaire. Son-in-law of a Kazakh dictator. Director of Gazprom.
Documents I’ve seen indicate he was also the beneficiary of a secret scheme to divert profits from big state pipeline contracts. (1/9) ft.com/content/80f25f…
Timur Kulibayev was a top official overseeing Kazakhstan’s business interests when the Russian group ETK won pipeline contracts. The leaked documents indicate that ETK agreed to channel a share of the profits from pipeline contracts to Kulibayev. (2/9) gazprom.com/about/manageme…
It all started back in 2007, as the financial crisis was shifting power from west to east. The rulers of Kazakhstan and China agreed to build a multibillion-dollar pipeline to carry Central Asian gas, long mostly exported to Europe, to China. (3/9) ig.ft.com/sites/special-…
Anyone who's witnessed elections in kleptocracies – places ruled through corruption, like Nigeria or Ukraine or Malaysia or Brazil – can tell you they become struggles to control the looting machine. But above all ... (2/15)
... kleptocrats fighting elections are seeking, more even than retaining the power to loot, to keep the immunity from prosecution that comes with high public office.