2. Make all intercontinental ground-launched boost-glide missiles and nuclear-powered torpedoes (whether nuclear or conventionally armed) accountable. (3/n)
3. Discourage heavy MIRVing by lowering the ratio between strategic deployed warheads and deployed delivery systems relative to New START. (4/n)
5. Prohibit the deployment of long-range air-launched ballistic and boost-glide missiles EXCEPT on either (1) treaty-accountable heavy bombers or (2) nonaccountable short-range tactical aircraft. (6/n)
6. Agree that (1) long-range nuclear-armed sea-launched boost-glide missiles, if deployed, will constitute a new kind of strategic offensive arm; (2) such weapons will not be deployed on ships or submarines armed with nonnuclear missiles. (7/n)
7. Require enhanced procedures and greater transparency for conversions of sea-launched ballistic missile launchers. Require launchers converted under New START to be reconverted to the new standard if they are to remain nonaccountable. (8/n)
8. Agree that heavy bombers *of a new type* should only be nonaccountable if they are based at nonnuclear air bases. Provide greater transparency for all converted and nonaccountable heavy bombers. (9/n)
8. Define a "new kind of strategic offensive arm" tightly and narrowly, but make such weapons automatically accountable. (9/n)
Frankly, the most controversial part will be what's NOT included: China, nonstrategic nuclear weapons, and ballistic missile defense.
These are important! And, we'll publish proposals later this year on how to manage them... (10/n)
...but trying to shoehorn them into a bilateral strategic offensive agreement is a recipe for the collapse of negotiations and the end of arms control.
Which may be why, of course, the Trump admin is insistent that the next treaty must deal with China and all warheads. (11/11)
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There's a real debate to be had about U.S. interests in the ME (one that the China firsters within USG are losing).
But, even if you think the U.S. should defend Qatar, it's indefensible--as a matter of basic democratic accountability--to make the commitment via an EO. (2/n)
Defending another country is a huge deal--primarily because it could involve fighting a war, conceivably even a nuclear war, on that state's behalf.
Accordingly, in the past, guarantees like the Qatar commitment have been offered as treaties that require.... (3/n)
@ForeignPolicy @IgnatiusPost @washingtonpost Ignatius's oped is written as if it's a news story. The "news" in this case is that--SURPRISE!--an Israeli source backed up claims by the Israeli government! (3/n)
🧵How much damage was done to Iran's nuclear program?
An analysis of Friday's reporting of the U.S. government assessment. I'll focus on the @nytimes, which was clearer than the earlier but confused @NBCNews story. (1/n)
U.S. officials continue to argue that it would take Iran years to rebuild the facilities that were hit. That seems right to me.
But a key question is this: How long would it take Iran to build the bomb? (2/n)
Attempts to play down the survival of most or all of Iran's HEU are comical.
It may be true that "only" the HEU at Isfahan is accessible--but that's almost all of it! (3/n)
Here's my proposed U.S. nuclear strategy for managing escalation, arms racing, and proliferation with two nuclear peers, published through @CFR_org.
Health warning: If you like counterforce, take a DEEP breath before reading on. (1/n)
The U.S. faces a security environment that's bad and getting worse. There's an emerging bipartisan consensus that, in response, the U.S. needs more nukes. The justification stems from the current policy of "counterforce" targeting. (2/n)
The logic of counterforce targeting is merciless, however, and will catalyze an expensive, tension-generating, and futile three-ways arms race in which the United States will fail to achieve the nuclear superiority it seeks. (3/n)