2. Make all intercontinental ground-launched boost-glide missiles and nuclear-powered torpedoes (whether nuclear or conventionally armed) accountable. (3/n)
3. Discourage heavy MIRVing by lowering the ratio between strategic deployed warheads and deployed delivery systems relative to New START. (4/n)
5. Prohibit the deployment of long-range air-launched ballistic and boost-glide missiles EXCEPT on either (1) treaty-accountable heavy bombers or (2) nonaccountable short-range tactical aircraft. (6/n)
6. Agree that (1) long-range nuclear-armed sea-launched boost-glide missiles, if deployed, will constitute a new kind of strategic offensive arm; (2) such weapons will not be deployed on ships or submarines armed with nonnuclear missiles. (7/n)
7. Require enhanced procedures and greater transparency for conversions of sea-launched ballistic missile launchers. Require launchers converted under New START to be reconverted to the new standard if they are to remain nonaccountable. (8/n)
8. Agree that heavy bombers *of a new type* should only be nonaccountable if they are based at nonnuclear air bases. Provide greater transparency for all converted and nonaccountable heavy bombers. (9/n)
8. Define a "new kind of strategic offensive arm" tightly and narrowly, but make such weapons automatically accountable. (9/n)
Frankly, the most controversial part will be what's NOT included: China, nonstrategic nuclear weapons, and ballistic missile defense.
These are important! And, we'll publish proposals later this year on how to manage them... (10/n)
...but trying to shoehorn them into a bilateral strategic offensive agreement is a recipe for the collapse of negotiations and the end of arms control.
Which may be why, of course, the Trump admin is insistent that the next treaty must deal with China and all warheads. (11/11)
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🧵Initial thoughts on Russia's new nuclear doctrine, based on a machine translation of Putin's comments. (I have not seen the doctrine yet; my assessment may change when I do).
BLUF: It's not tied as directly to the Ukraine war as others think. (1/n)
@ChatGPTapp As has been reported, Putin is saying he might use nuclear weapons against a non-nuclear weapon state that attacked Russia in concert with a nuclear-weapon state.
This mirror U.S. declaratory policy until 2009 (I think), which contained a similar provision. (3/n)
This thread is a transparent attempt by Colby to foreclose scrutiny of his behavior around the insurrection on Jan 6, 2021. I want to explain what he did and why it shouldn't be ignored.
(Like all my tweets, these are my personal views.)
My criticism of Colby is nothing to do with his conservative views. We were friends—good friends—for years. We regularly had lunch or dinner. I went to Rio for his wedding. He came to mine. Throughout that time, we disagreed a lot about policy—domestic and foreign—but...
(2/n)
… we discussed those disagreements in a good-faith, productive way. We found common ground on nuclear policy and wrote together. I read part of his book manuscript and he thanked me in his acknowledgments.
Ukraine has reportedly attacked the Russian early-warning radar at Armavir. This strike was a bad idea. It provided only limited military benefit to Ukraine and exacerbates nuclear risks.
The Armavir radar is part of Russia's "strategic" early warning system. It is designed to detect an incoming nuclear strike and enable Russia to launch its nuclear forces before they are destroyed.
However, such radars can also contribute to nonnuclear warfighting--not least by detecting nonnuclear ballistic missiles and enabling defenses. I assume that Ukraine hit this radar to help U.S.-supplied ATACMS penetrate Russian defenses. (3/n)
At @CSIS @csisponi yesterday, Frank Miller engaged with my recent essay on targeting. In a collegial spirit, I'd like to respond to him here--he has mispresented me--and accept his offer to a public debate.
I believe the United States should adopt CMI targeting (Conventional Military forces and war-supporting Industry) because it would make us and our allies more secure, whether or not China or Russia changed their targeting policies (which, again, I don't think they would). (3/n)
<THREAD>There's been evidence-free speculation that Prigozhin may try to seize a nuclear weapon or two. I think this fear is misplaced. That said, there is a nuclear risk associated with this insurrection--one that isn't yet being discussed. (1/n)
CAVEAT: The situation on the ground in Russia is clearly very fluid and unpredictable, and I'm certainly not going to try to predict what's going to happen. Here I aim to assess what we should worry about NOT how worried we should be. (2/n)
An armed insurrection in a nuclear-armed state is clearly disquieting (even if its current leader goes around invading his neighbors). But, for two reasons, I don't see Prigozhin (who probably isn't much better BTW) seeking a nuclear weapon. (3/n)
<THREAD>China now appears to have a comprehensive early-warning system against a U.S. first strike, allowing it to operationalize launch-under-attack options.
Stay tuned a new discovery: a new-ish Chinese radar that rotates (no, not Korla).
(1/n)
As Chinese sources and the Pentagon have reported, China has been developing an early-warning (EW) system for a decade-ish so it could launch its nuclear forces before being destroyed by a US first strike (launch under attack). (2/n)
Recent analyses have suggested China’s EW system is not yet complete. According to one news story, the geostationary TJS-2, -5, and -6 satellites are for EW. If so, they'd detect US Trident-D5 launches from the pacific, BUT… (3/n)