2. Make all intercontinental ground-launched boost-glide missiles and nuclear-powered torpedoes (whether nuclear or conventionally armed) accountable. (3/n)
3. Discourage heavy MIRVing by lowering the ratio between strategic deployed warheads and deployed delivery systems relative to New START. (4/n)
5. Prohibit the deployment of long-range air-launched ballistic and boost-glide missiles EXCEPT on either (1) treaty-accountable heavy bombers or (2) nonaccountable short-range tactical aircraft. (6/n)
6. Agree that (1) long-range nuclear-armed sea-launched boost-glide missiles, if deployed, will constitute a new kind of strategic offensive arm; (2) such weapons will not be deployed on ships or submarines armed with nonnuclear missiles. (7/n)
7. Require enhanced procedures and greater transparency for conversions of sea-launched ballistic missile launchers. Require launchers converted under New START to be reconverted to the new standard if they are to remain nonaccountable. (8/n)
8. Agree that heavy bombers *of a new type* should only be nonaccountable if they are based at nonnuclear air bases. Provide greater transparency for all converted and nonaccountable heavy bombers. (9/n)
8. Define a "new kind of strategic offensive arm" tightly and narrowly, but make such weapons automatically accountable. (9/n)
Frankly, the most controversial part will be what's NOT included: China, nonstrategic nuclear weapons, and ballistic missile defense.
These are important! And, we'll publish proposals later this year on how to manage them... (10/n)
...but trying to shoehorn them into a bilateral strategic offensive agreement is a recipe for the collapse of negotiations and the end of arms control.
Which may be why, of course, the Trump admin is insistent that the next treaty must deal with China and all warheads. (11/11)
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The claim that Iran had 60 days to make a deal is disingenuous since the United States was hardly ready, and did not conduct, an intensive, detailed negotiation. (1/n)
For example, there were times when Iran was willing to talk but the United States wasn't (presumably because it needed more time to prepare).
🧵The stated goal of Israel’s military campaign is to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. With operations ongoing, it's too early to reach a conclusion.
But I can highlight outstanding questions that will determine whether Israel will achieve its nuclear goal. (1/n)
Let's focus on three areas:
👉Fordow
👉Enriched uranium stockpile
👉Centrifuge components
BLUF: As of now, key facilities, material, and equipment are--or are likely--intact.
CAVEAT: The situation is fluid and uncertain. (2/n)
FORDOW is an enrichment plant buried in a mountain. While there are reports of some strikes against the facility, IAEA DG @rafaelmgrossi reports this morning that no damage is visible. (3/n)
🧵Initial thoughts on Russia's new nuclear doctrine, based on a machine translation of Putin's comments. (I have not seen the doctrine yet; my assessment may change when I do).
BLUF: It's not tied as directly to the Ukraine war as others think. (1/n)
@ChatGPTapp As has been reported, Putin is saying he might use nuclear weapons against a non-nuclear weapon state that attacked Russia in concert with a nuclear-weapon state.
This mirror U.S. declaratory policy until 2009 (I think), which contained a similar provision. (3/n)
This thread is a transparent attempt by Colby to foreclose scrutiny of his behavior around the insurrection on Jan 6, 2021. I want to explain what he did and why it shouldn't be ignored.
(Like all my tweets, these are my personal views.)
My criticism of Colby is nothing to do with his conservative views. We were friends—good friends—for years. We regularly had lunch or dinner. I went to Rio for his wedding. He came to mine. Throughout that time, we disagreed a lot about policy—domestic and foreign—but...
(2/n)
… we discussed those disagreements in a good-faith, productive way. We found common ground on nuclear policy and wrote together. I read part of his book manuscript and he thanked me in his acknowledgments.