2016: Again over the objections of its own justices, the Georgia GOP expands the court from 7 to 9. This represents something of a compromise for state Republicans, as they had previously sought to expand the court to 13.
In 2011, the Florida GOP tried (but mercifully failed) to split its supreme court into two benches, while simultaneously adding three new seats. They had tried something similar four years earlier.
2010: Republicans introduced a court packing bill when the court ruled in favor of gay marriage, though this proved unnecessary after a well-funded recall campaign resulted in the removal of three justices.
Republicans have also attempted to shrink state supreme courts in Montana (in 2011), Oklahoma (2017), and Washington (2013), in each case because of adverse rulings. Fortunately, none were successful.
So bracketing for a moment GOP-led attempts to impeach, recall, or otherwise remove state supreme court justices, there seems to be a degree of Republican comfort with altering the size of final courts of appeals via packing/un-packing.
But maybe this is a mistake? I suggest a public opinion survey in Arizona and Georgia (maybe Iowa and West Virginia as well) to examine whether the judiciary's reputation has been irreparably damaged by perfidious conservative court packing.
The author of the article is @marinklevy, who definitely deserves a follow. Also, if I were @zackbeauchamp or @mattyglesias or some other similarly-minded person, I’d interview her quick!
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Basically, it's a story of elite overproduction. The job market for journalists and writers has collapsed, even as J Schools and MFA programs churn out grads at a record clip.
Meanwhile, many of the most important stories of the day require in-depth knowledge of a specialized field (e.g. public health, climate science, global finance) that few have the patience or ability to master.
Lastly, up until quite recently, ours was an extraordinary period of relative peace and prosperity, at least in North America. No Cold War to report, a terrorist threat in retreat. So what's an aspiring journalist to do? What crusade can he join? What mission can he make his own?
There are all sorts of third rails in academic discourse. The kinds of topics where if a prof says the wrong thing, his or her reputation, job, or even physical safety might be at risk.
The police is one of those third rails.
Nathan Jun is a prof at Midwestern State. Shortly after George Floyd's death, Jun changed his Facebook cover photo to a black "Abolish the Police" banner.
Ever since, the death threats have been pouring in.
Local far right activists disseminated Jun's personal information (phone #, address, etc), as well as that of his family. His house has been vandalized four times in the last two months. A swastika and racial epithet were spray painted in his garage.
@Noahpinion seems to have deleted this tweet, which is a shame, because I think he’s right. But scrolling through his replies, it looks like he’s getting two types of objections. 1/n
Objection #1: It won't make a difference. The Right has always hated academia and nothing we do will change that.
Maybe, but consider. Yes, there has always been suspicion on the Right about higher ed, going right back through Buckley to the interwar years. It's not new. 2/n
But it's also gotten much, much worse. Another way of putting it is that this general complaint, one mainly held by a small percentage of conservatives, has suddenly gone mainstream. And I do mean *suddenly*. 3/n
Dipping into some old @ggreenwald articles has reminded me of a couple elemental truths: 1) The suppression of pro-Palestinian speech is just off the charts. I'm talking state laws, well-organized blacklists, and sophisticated international surveillance operations. It's unreal.
Yes, international surveillance. Yes, threats against university professors by private intelligence operations. It's happening, and it's happening right now.
Yes, a well-funded blacklist that collects and publicizes pro-Palestinian and anti-Semitic speech by college students, faculty, and random people, all with the explicit goal of rendering them unemployable.
Ever so briefly coming out of Twitter Vacation. I really shouldn't, but today's contretemps are just too contre to pass up. In short, I think The Letter is fine. I'd quibble with some passages, but overall it's a good thing.
However! Let's keep a few things in mind.
After Kristof cancelled Marty Peretz in 2010, a whole wave of then-current and former TNR employees came forward to ruefully admit that, well shucks, they had ALWAYS been aghast at their boss's bigotry, but just didn't feel comfortable saying anything at the time.
(In fact, iirc, @mattyglesias wrote a whole Think Progress piece about TNR's conspiracy of silence over Peretz. Doesn't seem locatable right now, but here's another post, this time in conversation with @jonathanchait, that gets at my point.)
I don’t think we talk enough about how the largest and most significant civil rights movement of my lifetime is motivated by identity politics.
What is (was?) the liberal critique of identity politics? That it atomizes society and creates needless division. That it splits us apart, undermines political coalitions, erodes solidarity.
What else? That it fails to persuade. That it's self-defeating, creating a sort of counter-identity politics that causes people to rally around the very things the movement seeks to change.