Orin Kerr Profile picture
8 Oct, 17 tweets, 3 min read
Here's a thread with a few random thoughts about "court packing," that is, changing the size of the Supreme Court.

Bonus: My views are somewhere in the middle and are likely to annoy most people.
1) Court packing is a really bad idea. It's a major norm violation, & it destabilizes the third branch in a really dangerous way. The counterargument, of course, is that the other side has *already* violated norms; this is a counter to that norm violation. I disagree, because....
it seems to me that the real cause of the claimed "norm breaking" is the gradual devolution, in both parties, to purely partisan Supreme Court votes in the Senate. This wasn't a big problem when Presidential and Senate control were form the same party. Partisan = confirmed.
But then you had the Garland nom, the 1st time that you had a SCOTUS nom from a Pres of one party and Senate controlled by the other since the rise of purely partisan voting on noms. It was inevitable that Garland (who would have been an excellent Justice) wouldn't be confirmed.
The norm of purely partisan voting on SCOTUS noms likely would have remained stable if RBG had lived a few more months. In that case, of polls are right, Biden would have nominated a liberal to replace RBG, and that nominee would be confirmed by a Dem Senate.
It seems to me that the norm-breaking to which court-packing responds is largely about coincidences of timing.
(RBG was urged to step down in 2013-14 with a Dem Pres and Senate. She refused, betting that there would be a Dem Pres and Dem Senate when she was ready. A bad bet.)
Having annoyed my D friends with what I've said so far, let me annoy my R friends next!

2) I think it's perfectly understandable that Democrats would be talking about court-packing right now. It's a legally permitted path, and all norms in this area are gradually eroding.
If the politics were reversed, I have no doubt that court-packing would be a major topic on the right to counter an increasingly far-left Supreme Court. It's a flaw with Article III, I think; Given the SCT's (modern) role, the Const should settle the Court's size, but it doesn't.
There's also an aspect of this that is the Dem side catching up to hardball politics. In recent years, the R side has filled the courts with very young nominees who are very conservative. But the D side under Obama generally went with older and more moderate picks.
I suspect some of the talk of court-packing will, if Biden wins, be channeled into the Dem side picking younger and more liberal noms for lower courts -- more closely matching the R side.
I also think there's some affirmative value in *talking* about court-packing. It's a reminder that in a system of checks and balances, every move can have a countermove. No one exercising government power, whether in the Senate or in judicial chambers, should think otherwise.
3) I think it makes sense that Joe Biden won't answer what his view is about court-packing. From a policy perspective, it's understandable that an answer might depend on whether Barrett is confirmed and what the Supreme Court would then do.
I gather that making arguments about court-packing is partly about deterrence -- "don't go there, or else I'll go here." Makes sense you would keep the plan vague, as if you announce where you're going either way, the other side has no incentive to change course.
And in terms of the politics, I would guess that Biden himself opposes court-packing but knows that his base is enthusiastic about it. Keeping quiet avoids having to disappoint the base, which is important for turnout. My guess as to the politics, anyway.
4) Finally, the answer to all of this is a constitutional amendment to fix the size of the Supreme Court at 9 and have 18-year term limits, spaced two years apart, so every Prez gets two picks. End life tenure, which makes no sense given the modern role of the Supreme Court.
I see the debate over court-packing as really a prelude to that constitutional amendment. The flaws with life tenure have been made clear, and all norms have eroded. The system needs a fix. The fix should be fixed terms on a fixed court, not court packing.
But given how hard it is to get a constitutional amendment passed, debating court packing as an option may be a needed step to gather the needed support for the constitutional amendment that is the real fix to the problem.

/end

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More from @OrinKerr

10 Oct
How Trump uses the power fo the Presidency to make money for his favorite person in the world -- himself. nytimes.com/interactive/20… Image
According to the article, Trump would keep an eye out on who was funding his businesses, give them an audience, and show special attention to any government problems they had. (And if you had government problems, you knew what to do.) Image
In effect, he was treating his Presidential powers like they were his personal assets: You help him at Mar-A-Lago, he helps you though his executive branch authority. (A major scandal in any other administration; in this one, Saturday from 2-2:15pm.)
Read 4 tweets
8 Oct
Some legal education history I didn't know -- a thread.

In 1950, a significant number of law schools refused to admit Black students. That year, the AALS considered a rule that to to be an AALS member school, you had to open your doors to students of all races.
This was during the period of "separate but equal," before Brown v. Board. Private law schools could be segregated. And public law schools could be segregated but only if they provided an "equal" alternative. See, e.g., Sweatt v. Painter, 339 U.S. 629 (1950).
In December 1950, a group of faculty from @YaleLawSch proposed a non-discrimination rule: A school can't be allowed as an AALS member if it discriminates on the basis of race. Desegregate, or the school is booted out of @TheAALS.

www-jstor-org.libproxy.berkeley.edu/stable/2571990…
Read 10 tweets
1 Oct
Some interesting Supreme Court history I stumbled upon wasting time on Wikipedia:

On April 21, 1844, Justice Henry Baldwin died while in office. President Tyler had a little over ten months left in his Presidential term. Tyler tried to fill the seat, but was unsuccessful.
On June 5, 1844, President Tyler nominated Edward King to fill the seat. But Tyler had little support in Congress, and the Senate voted to table the King's nomination and not consider it on the merits. govtrack.us/congress/votes…
President Tyler withdrew the nomination, and then nominated John Read for the seat. The Senate ignored that nomination. President Tyler's Presidency ended with the seat still vacant in March 1845.
Read 5 tweets
30 Sep
A lot of law professors write about Supreme Court developments. I wonder what legal scholarship about the Supreme Court looks like in a world of a 6-3 conservative Supreme Court, with 5 Justices unambiguous conservatives. Does it try to meet the Court where it is? Reject it? /1
Of course, many different scholars write about SCOTUS in diff ways, on different topics. I realize I'm painting with a broad brush. But I suppose my main interest is in the internalists -- the ones who write about doctrine, implicitly or expicitly recommending different paths. /2
How many will try to speak the Court's language, such as by echoing or recognizing originalist methods? How many will just be in opposition, especially in light of the circumstances of how the Court came to have its conservative supermajority ? /3
Read 5 tweets
29 Sep
INTERESTING CASE: Police can detain a person on the scene when they execute a warrant. But can they call up a suspect and make up a fake story about needing him to be home to get him to be there so he can be detained? CA9 rules 2-1 that they cannot.
cdn.ca9.uscourts.gov/datastore/opin… #N Image
I'm not sure what I think of this. It's true that a ruse can expand what the government can search and seize, manipulating the rule. OTOH, don't Ky v. King and Navarette v. CA suggest that police steps that manipulate rules are okay as long as they don't themselves violate 4A?
The majority opinion is weirdly free form in some ways, in that it conducts a balancing test over the ruse: It concludes that the decision to do the ruse fails the balancing test. But the 4th Amendment balancing test is only for searches and seizures, and a ruse is neither.
Read 4 tweets
27 Sep
It might simultaneously be true that Republicans should wait to fill RBG’s seat because the election is near; that it is an act of stunning hypocrisy to fill it after refusing to act on Garland; and that, if the politics were reversed, Democrats would have done the same thing.
I should add, in response to comments, that by "Democrats would have done the same thing," I was referring to pushing forward now with a nominee with so little time before the election. /1
I don't have a strong sense of what Dems would have done with the 2016 equivalent of Garland -- would they have just voted him down, vs. not held a vote, for example. (But I also don't see a lot of difference between those two options.) /2
Read 6 tweets

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