The scariest zombies this Hallowe'en aren't trick-or-treating, they're the zombie corporations that are borrowing cheap money from the Fed, declaring special dividends and stock buybacks, shambling on despite their inevitable demise.
Wage stagnation, crushing consumer debt and mass layoffs means that no matter how much money we give these zombie companies, they're not going to create jobs or invest in new capital - the only people with money are their shareholders, who don't need their products.
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Meanwhile, the same Fed that is offering a public subsidy to the richest people in America in the form of preferential interest rates in corporate loans is gouging state and local governments whose tax-bases have collapsed.
As @matthewccook5 writes for the @dailyposter, "budget-strapped states and cities are being forced to choose between high-interest loans or mass layoffs of teachers, firefighters, emergency workers and other public-sector employees."
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A coalition of grassroots groups and state/local politicians have called upon the Fed to offer states and cities the same interest rates that blue-chip zombies are getting.
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This wouldn't just help avoid mass layoffs and fund desperately needed services to residents whose lives were shattered by covid, it would also let cities roll over their Wall Street debt, which currently accounts for $160b/year in interest payments alone (!).
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What could our state and local governments do this year if they didn't have to shell out $160b in interest to Wall Street?
* help 13m families avoid eviction by covering their annual rent
* provide all 31.5m unemployed workers $600/week for 8 weeks
The Fed has provided unlimited liquidity for corporate junk bonds, but its $500b Municipal Liquidity Facility is dormant, having been used just twice since the start of the crisis for a total of $1.6b. That fund lends at 0.5%, but cities and states can't get at it.
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Corporations get a great deal, states not so much.
Chevron was able to borrow for 0.9% over 4.5 years; the State of Wisconsin, which has the same credit rating as Chevron, is borrowing at 1.28% over 3 years.
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Phillip Morris sold its bonds to the Fed at 0.9%. The State of Kentucky, which has the same credit rating as Morris, is paying 2% over 3 years.
The Fed offered NYC 1.9% over 24 months - a worse deal than they'd get from Citibank.
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That slumbering Municipal Liquidity Fund is overseen by Kent Hiteshew, the Obama-era bankster enabler who bailed out the predatory bondholders who had buried Puerto Rico under an avalanche of debt. He's a finance crime lifer: ex-Bear Sterns, ex-Drexel Burnham Lambert.
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By starving cities and states of credit, Hiteshew is able to pile up lucrative business for Wall Street, which is able to borrow Fed money for almost nothing, then turn around and loan it to state and local governments at massive markups.
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"The Fed has two bazookas. One of them is a municipal bazooka and the other is a corporate credit bazooka. They have the municipal bazooka setting on low and the corporate bazooka setting on high." -@NathanTankus
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People of Nigerian descent and human rights activists around the world have taken to the streets under the banner of #EndSARSProtest: a global protest movement over Nigeria's lawless, murdering Special Anti-Robbery Squad.
SARS was founded in 1984 in answer to a wave of property crimes, today, its founder Fulani Kwajafa says that it has "turned into banditry" - @amnesty has documented 82 cases of torture, brutality and murder by SARS since 2017.
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The current wave of protests was ignited by the public murder of a young man by SARS officers on Oct 8. President Muhammadu Buhari has disbanded the unit, but the criminals who served in it have been deployed elsewhere in Nigerian security forces, spreading the contagion.
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As pandemic and climate emergency force the contradictions of capitalism to the breaking-point, the world's streets have erupted in ceaseless, ferocious protest. In a desperate bid to prolong their rule, elites have fielded increasingly cruel and violent police responses.
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The cops are, to varying degrees, complicit. They have chosen to follow orders rather than risk their jobs (or even, in some cases, their safety from state retaliation).
The increasingly obvious injustice of the cause they fight for also increases the risk they bear.
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There are three risks for the shock troops of late-stage capitalism:
I. the risk of official sanction by the state they fight for
II. the risk of punishment by a new regime should their cause fail
III. the risk of vigilante justice for the people they brutalize and murder
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The categories we think of as discrete, bounded entities are most often continua, with broadly coherent centers and hairy, noisy edges that defy categorization.
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Computers operate on binary states, but the actual electronics that represent these ones and zeroes are quite noisy, and only average out to "off" and "on." It's quite ironic, because computerization so often forces us to incinerate the edge-cases.
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Prior to computerization, the fuzziness of analog record-keeping and the potential for official forebearance allowed us to maintain the pretence of neat categories while (sometimes) accommodating the infinite complexity of the edges.
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Antitrust enforcement is virtually a dead letter in America (it was killed 40 years ago by Reagan's court sorcerer Robert Bork, better known as the Nixonite criminal who couldn't get approved for a SCOTUS seat).
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But even when we WERE enforcing antitrust, we tended to pump the brakes during economic crises: no one wants to put additional constraints on business during a downturn.
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That's wrong. Antitrust enforcement isn't an economic drag, it's an economic STIMULUS.
Monopolies extract higher profits by crushing workers and small competitors, but workers and small businesses spend their earnings back into the economy.
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