Cadillac perfects the murdermobile: "It took 13 children seated in a line in front of the Escalade before the driver could see the tops of their heads."
I have a (free) new book out! "How to Destroy Surveillance Capitalism" is an anti-monopolist critique of Big Tech that connects the rise of conspiratorial thinking to the rise of tech monopolies and proposes a way to deal with both:
My ebooks and audiobooks (from @torbooks, @HoZ_Books, @mcsweeneys, and others) are for sale all over the net, but I sell 'em too, and when you buy 'em from me, I earn twice as much and you get books with no DRM and no license "agreements."
My first picture book just came out! It's called Poesy the Monster Slayer and it's an epic tale of bedtime-refusal, toy-hacking and monster-hunting, illustrated by Matt Rockefeller. It's the monster book I dreamt of reading to my own daughter.
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People of Nigerian descent and human rights activists around the world have taken to the streets under the banner of #EndSARSProtest: a global protest movement over Nigeria's lawless, murdering Special Anti-Robbery Squad.
SARS was founded in 1984 in answer to a wave of property crimes, today, its founder Fulani Kwajafa says that it has "turned into banditry" - @amnesty has documented 82 cases of torture, brutality and murder by SARS since 2017.
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The current wave of protests was ignited by the public murder of a young man by SARS officers on Oct 8. President Muhammadu Buhari has disbanded the unit, but the criminals who served in it have been deployed elsewhere in Nigerian security forces, spreading the contagion.
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As pandemic and climate emergency force the contradictions of capitalism to the breaking-point, the world's streets have erupted in ceaseless, ferocious protest. In a desperate bid to prolong their rule, elites have fielded increasingly cruel and violent police responses.
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The cops are, to varying degrees, complicit. They have chosen to follow orders rather than risk their jobs (or even, in some cases, their safety from state retaliation).
The increasingly obvious injustice of the cause they fight for also increases the risk they bear.
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There are three risks for the shock troops of late-stage capitalism:
I. the risk of official sanction by the state they fight for
II. the risk of punishment by a new regime should their cause fail
III. the risk of vigilante justice for the people they brutalize and murder
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The categories we think of as discrete, bounded entities are most often continua, with broadly coherent centers and hairy, noisy edges that defy categorization.
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Computers operate on binary states, but the actual electronics that represent these ones and zeroes are quite noisy, and only average out to "off" and "on." It's quite ironic, because computerization so often forces us to incinerate the edge-cases.
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Prior to computerization, the fuzziness of analog record-keeping and the potential for official forebearance allowed us to maintain the pretence of neat categories while (sometimes) accommodating the infinite complexity of the edges.
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Antitrust enforcement is virtually a dead letter in America (it was killed 40 years ago by Reagan's court sorcerer Robert Bork, better known as the Nixonite criminal who couldn't get approved for a SCOTUS seat).
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But even when we WERE enforcing antitrust, we tended to pump the brakes during economic crises: no one wants to put additional constraints on business during a downturn.
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That's wrong. Antitrust enforcement isn't an economic drag, it's an economic STIMULUS.
Monopolies extract higher profits by crushing workers and small competitors, but workers and small businesses spend their earnings back into the economy.
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