This is an admirable piece by @JohnPiper. But I'll confess I'm perplexed by the argument that pride is killing people equivalently to abortion, and that we should include that as part of our *political* reasoning.…
One question is simply empirical: *does* a "culture-saturating, pro-self pride" actually kill people in the sense relevant that we could even compare it to abortion?

It certainly kills the soul, and we should fear that worse than the death of the body (Mt. 10:28).
While pride's effects on the polity may be considerable, they also seem indirect. Whether and how the government constrains the evils that arise from pride would therefore seem like an extraordinarily difficult matter of prudential judgment.
The killing of abortion is radically distinct from that, though: the injustice is transparent and obvious, and it is immediately inflicted upon another citizen--and in the body of that citizen, upon the rest of the community.
It seems to me like the government's responsibility to judge that wrong, and to prevent it, is much more weighty than even its responsibility to promote some nebulous 'common good.'
The pro-life position is not simply a matter of counting deaths, but requires discerning the unique badness of *killing* the innocent--which not even the inept politician who negligently fails to protect his citizens from a pandemic can be said to do.
Note that this isn't an argument for or against Trump. It's an argument about the reasons Piper brings forth for his position (and hopefully a constructive argument, at that).

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More from @mattleeanderson

28 Aug
I suspect many evangelicals have discounted the importance of the 'marginally committed' to our communities.
Those who are 'marginally committed' to a church might only show up once a month. They might even only show up on Christmas and Easter.

Yet when there are enough of them, they give a community a sense of energy and vitality that it otherwise would lack.
Because evangelicalism has its roots as a renewal movement within existing institutions--think Wesley as an Anglican--there are deep pressures to make everyone "fully committed."

That doesn't just mean church attendance: it means daily devotionals, Christian music, etc.
Read 18 tweets
24 Aug
The scandal the Religious Right has brought upon the Gospel of Jesus Christ by protecting such degeneracy breaks my heart.…
This is false. The reason the media is fascinated is because they hate people who demand traditional moral values *for others* while flagrantly violating them *ourselves.*
A confident Christian witness depends upon the integrity of the church.

There is no circumventing the demand for holiness in our communities if we want to proclaim the Gospel with beauty and with power.
Read 8 tweets
10 Aug
Evangelicals who spend their time opposing the 'false teachings' that are infiltrating the church so often miss the real task, namely, creatively rearticulating the faith so that the needs those 'false teachings' are responding to fall to the ground.
Discerning how the faith we have received addresses the needs of the hour can only be done by carefully hearing our critics, rather than reactionarily dismissing them.
This applies widely, I think, but seems especially pertinent to matters of ethics these days--namely, race and sex.
Read 6 tweets
2 Aug 19
If conservatives had adopted the standard of evidence for policy that @DavidAFrench assumes here, they would have never opposed gay marriage.…
@DavidAFrench I suspect the best way to think about @HawleyMO's bill is to treat it as supply-side regulation: it's not *opposed* to 'personal responsibility,' or individual freedom, but is aimed at altering the marketplace conditions in which those are expressed.
@DavidAFrench @HawleyMO Whether this sort of approach is justified hangs, I suspect, on whether you adopt the prior commitment that big tech and social media companies are *predatory* in the way pharmaceutical companies were in spreading opiods.
Read 8 tweets
7 Jun 19
This is a good thread by @DouthatNYT, though I think conflating 'integralism' with an interest in preserving a soft establishment of religion is conceptually confusing given the way the former is explicitly grounded in RC doctrine.
I think it also lends credence to my suspicion that beneath the French/Ahmari debate lies specific differences in how evangelicals and Catholics are interpreting the failure of the 1980-2008 attempt to forge a socon consensus.
Evangelical politics between 1980-2008 were, on one level, indisputably 'integralist.' Yet they were also deeply unhealthy, and indisputably corrosive to the evangelical churches' witness.
Read 18 tweets
1 Jun 19
I've had a few more thoughts since writing yesterday's newsletter about civility, decency, and political discourse among conservatives right now.
If you sat down LGBT activists and asked whether "too much civility" was why conservatives are losing that cultural battle, I suspect they'd enjoy a very hearty laugh.
I suspect today's progressive anti-liberalism on that issue is still shaped more by narratives about how social conservative activists--not legal minds, but activists--conducted themselves in California around Prop 8, and (more importantly) in Colorado around Romer vs. Evans.
Read 11 tweets

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