1/n Suggestion: One of the advantages of a federalist system is it allows for 'policy experimentation'--new policies can be tested at the local or state-level. If those policies are deemed successful, other states can adopt and test them out in their own..
2/n contexts. Ultimately, this builds a body of evidence indicating whether a policy is likely to succeed (or fail) if implemented at the national level. Thus, Progressives who claim that only their policies can 'save us' should bolster their case by testing them and seeing..
3/n if they actually deliver the predicted results across a diverse set of cultural and economic contexts...lest they bring the entire country down with them.
4/n For instance, if the claim is that policy X will significantly reduce or eliminate group disparities in certain outcomes (e.g. test score gaps), start off by testing it out at the municipal or state level. So long as there's some objective measure of policy success (which..
5/n ..I should stress, is critical), we should be able to know whether it's a good idea and worth testing elsewhere. But until you produce the body of data (one hopefully not derived from a single 'local experiment', but many), our only option is to accept your ideas on faith.
6/6 In which case, please leave us the fuck alone.
Addendum: In the other direction, if you think 'woke' policies would be disastrous or are destined to fail, call the Woke's bluff and afford them the opportunity to discredit themselves (locally).
But I must once again stress the importance of having objective and pre-determined indicators of 'success' in this venture (otherwise, the ideologies will inevitably whitewash or portray 'failure' as anything but)
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This comports with what I've generally observed in my research on race and immigration attitudes: it's not that the avg. Republican has gotten all that more conservative (of course, you will find exceptions) on the issues. It's rather that Dems have moved much more quickly..
1/n The percent of blacks and hispanics who say they've personally experienced discrimination 'regularly' or 'from time to time' jumped almost 20 points between 2016 and 2020.
2/n Hmmm....🤔
3/n For more on why self-reported measures of discrimination are suspect, see here
1/n Fascinating. Very conservative whites take more prescription drugs, on average, than all other ideological subgroups. However, when controlling for age (because older people-->more medication), the pattern reverses and very liberal whites pull ahead...
2/n No mental health questions, but if I had to guess...
3/n The initial graph was designed to maximize the visibility of the age-adjusted results-reversal (not the size of the differences between groups). But I've been receiving criticism for not beginning the y-axis at 0, so here is a graph that does so
1/n Biden's 'Racial Economic Equity' plan calls for disaggregating the 'Asian' category as it perpetuates the 'model minority myth'. But to be consistent, he should also being call for the disaggregation of the 'white' category as it perpetuates 'white privilege' stereotypes.
1/n Was reading Caldwell's 'Age of Entitlement' and thought I'd do a quick content analysis to quantify this
2/n In the end, ProQuest's archive of presidential documents shows that Obama used the phrases 'who we are' and 'not who we are' more than Trump, GWB, and Clinton combined
3/n There were certain things I liked about Obama, but such rhetoric wasn't one of them. It essentially divides the country into morally 'good' ingroups and and 'bad' outgroups
1/n As I long suspected, data from a recently published study shows that reading about and/or watching a vid of excessive nonlethal or lethal force against blk suspects (Timothy Harris, Phil. Castille) increases perceptions of the frequency of the police's use of excessive force.
2/n Also as suspected, the average effects across all experimental conditions were significantly stronger for white liberals than conservatives