Lots of chatter about Lord Faulks' forthcoming report on judicial review.

It's fine to ask - and of course we do - questions about the proper limits to the judicial role. But we need to talk enough about the political context in which we come to ask those questions. THREAD.
I can't think of another democracy that is as vulnerable as ours to autocratic power. We don't have in any meaningful sense a constitution. Instead we have a five-yearly event that gives unconstrained power to the Commons.
The power is unconstrained because we lack a second Chamber that can constrain the Commons. We lack staged intakes of MPs that might offer checks to the absolute power flowing from that five yearly event.
And we lack a higher law, formed from norms crafted over a time horizon longer than five years, to which the Commons is subject. This is the basic reality of British judicial power: our judges are feeble and made so by the absence of a higher law that is theirs to apply.
Our substitute for a second House, staged intakes and a higher law is a tendency towards politeness. That is what that old saw about a 'flexible but muscular' constitution actually means. It means a Government can feel the pressure of cultural norms to "do the right thing'.
But we know it is only politeness that constrains the power of that five year event because the courts have told us time and again that Conventions are not justiciable: they are not things that judges can mandate adherence to.
And here's the rub: what happens if we have a Government that isn't inclined to be polite, to adhere to those cultural norms? What then?

This is the all-important context in which we should ask the question with which I started about the proper limits of the judicial role.
Because Johnson is not inclined to constitutional politeness.

The clearest way to make this point is to point to the Prorogation. He asserted an absolute right to suspend the Commons when it got in his way - an act more autocratic by far than anything Trump has (yet) done.
But this disinclination to adhere to cultural norms isn't only seen in events like the Prorogation. We see it every day in, most notably at present, the cronyism and the contempt for good public administration that has characterised this Government's response to the pandemic.
I recall being alone amongst legal commentators in saying, when it happened, that Prorogation was clearly unlawful. And I began the challenge that succeeded in Scotland's courts and was upheld in the Supreme Court. (Our Anglocentric media has forgotten this strand of history.)
And I said that, not because I know anything about constitutional niceties (I don't) but because I perceived something quite important about the role of judges: if they would let the Prime Minister set the Commons aside as an inconvenience what would be left of democracy?
I believed (rightly as it transpired) that judges would feel bound to take upon themselves the task of protecting our conception of democracy.

They knew they would be attacked and that is why we got a unanimous decision: they saw a need to conserve their authority.
The same is true today.

The real question judges ask themselves, a question thrust upon them by the disinclination of the Government to constitutional politness, is: if we will not guard against the conduct of the Government, and no one else can, then what is left?
Judges today also seek to conserve their authority, which will mean (amongst other things) that this Govt will win cases a better Govt would lose. But ultimately judges cannot back down from a fight that is existential to our current conception of who we are as a country.
A Govt inclined towards constitutional politeness would not use the power of the Commons to weaken the ability of judges to perform that role. But with a better Govt the question would never arise because such a Govt would not force judges to exercise that role.
Faulks' review - and his past comments make me pessimistic about its outcome - is a profoundly dangerous moment for the country. We lack the checks and balances of almost every other democracy. If Government chooses to enfeeble our judiciary too I fear there will be nothing left.

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More from @JolyonMaugham

18 Nov
Here is an extract from the leaked Govt document about Moonshot with that £100bn+ number. Image
We need to catch up with updating the media but I can confirm we have issued judicial review proceedings in relation to (sound familiar?) the Government's (1) choice of weird contractual counterparties and (2) failure to consult with its own expert advisory body.
We also have profound concerns - which we are pursuing with Government lawyers - about the fact that consent was never sought from Parliament for this absolutely mindblowing spend (the NAO report is about 'only' £18bn of spending.)
Read 4 tweets
18 Nov
Lots of - quite proper - outrage at the PPE VIP Channel, largely filled with contacts of Ministers. Institutionalised cronyism.

Worth remembering that @GoodLawProject ran this story back in October - and the only newspaper to pick it up in a serious way was the Daily Mail.
The Mail under Geordie Grieg is a very different newspaper to what it was under Paul Dacre (and a very different newspaper to its sister Sunday Sewer edited by Ted Verity). It has the appetite to lead and not just follow public opinion.
Here's the story we ran about VIP channels goodlawproject.org/news/special-p… (which the Government never denied, by the way) but which even the Financial Times lacked the courage to run.
Read 4 tweets
17 Nov
Yep, the National Audit Office report on PPE - well the first part of it - is out at midnight and it tackles Ayanda, Pestfix, VIP channels, Clandeboye, Public First, failures of transparency.... all those drums we've been banging, the whole timpani, for the last four months.
Tomorrow I'll be doing some detailed threads on different aspects of the report. It makes for striking reading - even after having been 'fact-checked' by Government. (Yes we have asked the High Court to order Government to supply the pre 'fact-checked' version.)
We're pleased the press is taking this stuff seriously now. The governance failures around the £15bn of PPE spend are dreadful. But they are as nothing compared to where Government is on its £100bn+ "Moonshot" project, still apparently run by Dominic Cummings, esq.
Read 4 tweets
17 Nov
Nice to have @GoodLawProject on the front page of The Times. Image
And we're on the front page of the FT too. Image
Oh, and here is our work on the front of the Guardian too. We wrote about this VIP channel several weeks back - but better late than never I guess. Image
Read 4 tweets
17 Nov
Lots of headscratching about Pestfix and its facemasks. It has at least one contract, for £168.5m, to supply facemasks to the NHS and the Health and Safety Executive says it rejected some Pestfix facemasks. Image
But this report, of Pestfix facemasks that failed a safety check, and that was in HSE files, seems to relate not to the facemasks the subject of the HSE email but facemasks that Pestfix sold privately. ImageImage
Pestfix sold privately - and then either had to or chose to - recall three different types of faulty facemasks it had sold to the private sector.
Read 5 tweets
17 Nov
Here's Saiger LLC and some of the contracts it won. None of these nine notices are clearly the same contract but we think there are probably five contracts. ImageImageImage
All are unlawfully late. Weird of Govt to spread publication of the notices over two sites. Weird it has not published any of the actual contracts. Weird that for four of them it didn't even publish what type of PPE it bought. 🤔
This next stuff is from the court papers Saiger filed in a court in Miami against a Mr Andersson.

So Saiger wins "a number of lucrative contracts with the government of the United Kingdom." Image
Read 13 tweets

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