Preliminary and important observation: I cannot speak for the accuracy of Matthew’s story - and like any journalistic account, it doubtless leaves out much of relevance. In particular, the case for a lockdown probably didn’t really depend wholly on the 4,000 deaths/day estimate.
So let’s make this a bit abstract (but as the story shows, a realistic abstraction).
A government takes a measure with huge impact on many people (including on fundamental aspects of life such as the right to assemble, to spend time with family, to travel, to attend public worship) on the basis of flawed data that it fails properly to interrogate.
That is bad government, on any view.
Can you rely on the political system to correct it? Well, perhaps not. MPs are under pressure in a crisis - and depend on what government tells them. And in this case (as so often) the powers could be used without involving MPs at all.
Where does judicial review come in? Well, in general terms, public law requires decisions taken under public law powers to be rational. In very crude terms the argument for them must “stack up”.
If a decision is based solely on data that are on any view flawed, then the decision can’t stand.
And the process of JR - which requires govt to explain and disclose the relevant facts and documents; the duty of candour - tends to expose cases where the pillars of reasoning supporting a decision are built on quicksand.
Moreover, where human rights are in play (assembly/family life/exercise of religion etc) as they are here, then govt has to provide (to sum up complex law heroically) pretty solid reasoning in support based on pretty solid evidence.
So JR provides a valuable forum where a bad government decision, based on flawed evidence and affecting many people severely, can be scrutinised.
Note: I am *not* saying that a court would strike down the lockdown decision in this case. There are very likely to be - I happen to think there are - a host of further reasons that support it in addition to the forecast at issue (which may have been sounder than appears here).
But if you consider that what Matthew sets out is a realistic account of how a decision like this could be taken, then you see the force of an argument that judicial scrutiny of the adequacy of the reasoning behind it might be a valuable safeguard we should be slow to cut back.
But there is on any view serious cause for concern about the untransparent spending of huge sums of public money on entities with links to ministers and advisers. The BBC should be reporting this: and I simply don’t understand why it isn’t. @bbclaurak@bbcnickrobinson.
At the very least, one of the BBC’s excellent legal correspondents could be allowed to report near the top of a flagship BBC programme on the current legal actions, explaining what they are about and where they have got to (permission having been granted in at least one case).
Not sure that @timothy_stanley knows what he is talking about. Neither reducing the no. of judges nor “bringing in specialists” amounts to “rolling back” “Blair era” reforms. The HoL judicial committee had the same number of judges as now, and were no less (or more) “specialist”.
Entirely unclear what “specialist” means here, anyway. Though some have argued that there are too many commercial lawyers and not enough crime/family specialists.
The article is a mess anyway: perhaps because whatever is being discussed is also a mess.
Well, quite. Though note that the job was originally (in 1998) given to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council (the Judicial Committee of the House of Lords in different clothes).
Since the judiciary don’t want to be settling political arguments raising no real legal issues (and they don’t, and dispose of them fast), what’s the problem?
Note: this deal visible from space is still a really bad deal for the UK. It fails to obtain vast amounts that UK businesses and citizens will want. See eg this from @Howard_Goodall (and remember that our 🎵 industry is far more important in size and numbers involved than 🐟).
1. What is the quality of the evidence? Is it hearsay or double hearsay (“I was told by someone that someone told her that ...”)? Courts rightly either exclude or give little weight to such evidence (which can’t be tested).
2. Does the evidence directly show fraud or are we being invited to draw conclusions from facts that could easily have an innocent explanation. (Courts rightly are reluctant to find fraud to be established save on the basis of strong evidence.)