President Trump's campaign says this case is a matter of grave national consequence, a stolen election and an illegal scheme to oust the president. But -- oops! -- it accidentally dropped all of that from its lawsuit the other day because it got confused.
Trump's lawyers say they hope to go through all the mail-in ballot envelopes, determine which of them were "illegally counted," then extrapolate how many votes to disqualify and then try to subtract a bunch from Biden's total.
The Trump campaign is explicit about its strategy: It wants to find a way to invalidate a large number of mail-in ballots over things like signatures. If it can, "the Court should set aside these votes and declare Trump the winner."
Or hey, maybe it won't be able to prove this vast and consequential conspiracy and will therefore withdraw its case. You never know.
The problem with a lot of the Trump campaign's argument against dismissal is -- as Judge Brann pointed out yesterday -- it dropped a lot of these allegations when it amended the complaint. They're no longer part of the case.
The campaign is trying to litigate dismissal on the basis of the initial complaint that it amended, or the amendment it hopes to get permission to file later, but not really on the basis of the case that's currently before the court.
Trump's lawyers say that when Republican-leaning counties decided not to permit voters to cure defective ballots, that deprived the president of "lawful votes." But when Democratic-leaning counties did let people cure, those were "unlawful votes."
Again the Trump campaign says defendants discriminated against Republican voters. But how? The counties treated all mail-in voters in their jurisdictions equally. It's *other* counties, not named as defendants, that didn't permit ballots to be cured.
The campaign says its voter-plaintiffs have standing because they were disadvantaged by other counties allowing other voters to cure ballots when they couldn't. But how were they disadvantaged by other people being allowed to vote?
If federal courts bite on the Trump campaign's arguments about standing and Equal Protection in this case, it'd likely open the doors to a *lot* of other election litigation of the type that conservatives have been fighting against for a very long time.
Trump's lawyers say the federal court shouldn't abstain because there are no issues of state law in the case. But it repeatedly alleges "Democrat" counties violated state law. Without that, they're alleging the counties acted unconstitutionally by following state law.
One other thing: Trump's lawyers are making a lot of a 1994 case in which the 3d Cir. basically set aside the results of a Philadelphia election because of "massive absentee allot fraud." What they leave out: Even there, the court refused to say the other candidate wins.
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And the court says that even if Wood could bring this lawsuit (which he can't) and if he hadn't waited too long (which he did), he'd also lose on the merits.
The judge (a Trump appointee), goes out of his way to shoot down Wood's theory of an Equal Protection violation, which is very similar to the arguments Trump's campaign has made in its own lawsuit in Pennsylvania.
The judge said claims that lots of invalid ballots were counted in Georgia is "not supported by the evidence at this stage." The rejection rate for absentee ballots in Georgia in 2020 was the same as it was two years ago.
Trump's lawyers said the other day that the press refuses to look at all the evidence the president and his allies have put forward of a massive scheme to rig the election.
I did.
Georgia edition, from the case filed by Trump ally L. Lin Wood ->
Exhibit A: A witness declares she was "not close enough to see much of anything" during Georgia's recount.
Exhibit B: A witness declares that people conducting the recount were not great at math. Also, sometimes ballots were left unattended on a table and drinks also were left on those tables.
President Trump's lawyers have filed a new motion in Pennsylvania making clear that they only want to block the state from certifying the results of the presidential election, which they claim was fraudulent. It can certify the other races, decided on the same ballots, they say.
Marks v. Stinson has become the hydroxychloroquine of the president's post-election litigation.
Interesting concession in Trump's filing: If PA certifies its electors by Dec. 8, its certification "shall be conclusive" when Congress meets to count electoral votes. (That's in the statute, but you'd think they'd want some wiggle room here.)
NEW: Multiple Trump campaign officials tell @Reuters the president's strategy for staying in power despite losing the election is to persuade state legislatures to do what their voters did not and simply declare him the winner.
President Trump called at least one Michigan election official who's now trying to take back her decision to certify votes in the state's largest county, she said. And he has summoned the leaders of the state legislature to the White House tomorrow. reuters.com/article/us-usa…
Trump's legal team nodded toward this strategy yesterday in a proposed amendment to the campaign's Pennsylvania lawsuit. They want the judge there to declare the state election "defective" and have the Republican-controlled legislature choose a winner instead.
Trump lawyer Jenna Ellis seems to be saying the campaign has lots of evidence of "election official fraud," but they can't show it to us yet. This is just the campaign's opening statement, she says.
Giuliani says our votes are counted in German and Spain by companies affiliated with Maduro and Chavez (who died 7 years ago).
"Did you ever believe that was true?"
It isn't.
"There is nobody here who engages in fantasy," Giuliani says, after claiming some kind of conspiracy to rig the election by voting machine manufacturers, Hugo Chavez, antifa and others.