This Day in Labor History: November 23, 1903. Colorado governor James Peabody sent the state militia to Cripple Creek to crush a Western Federation of Miners led strike. Let's again talk about the state-corporate alliance that is the biggest reason for labor's struggles! Image
This all too typical action by the state during the Gilded Age had major repercussions.
It succeeded in ending the strike, but it also led the WFM to lead the movement for a nationwide and even worldwide movement of industrial workers that would challenge a capitalism the miners no longer believed would ever work for them.
That led the WFM to be the most important force in the founding of the Industrial Workers of the World two years later.
The WFM was founded in 1893, after the violent crushing of a miners’ strike in the mines outside of Coeur d’Alene, Idaho.
Rejecting the craft unionism of the American Federation of Labor, the WFM and its leaders, including Big Bill Haywood, turned toward a broad industrial unionism, maximizing power by uniting miners in demands for dignity.
They had an early success in 1894, when they successfully organized the mines in Cripple Creek, Colorado.
But that only succeeded because Colorado had elected a Populist governor who, unlike so many other elected Populist officials, did not sell out at the first opportunity and instead used the state militia to control the private mine owner police force.
1903 saw a huge uprising in the Colorado mining fields. From Denver to Durango, there were strikes of miners and mine processing workers. In the aftermath of the 1894 victory, the WFM built power among the miners, organizing a majority of them in many areas of the state.
In Cripple Creek and surrounding towns such as Victor, the WFM had won a union scale and the 8-hour day. They enforced their power through boycotting local businesses who broke union demands.
But in some districts, the WFM failed to establish themselves as the dominant force they were in Cripple Creek.
Attempting to expand power to Leadville had ended in disaster, while in Idaho, another attempt to organize the Coeur d’Alene mines failed in 1899 due to more employer violence.
Frustrated by these failures and questioning why capitalism should exist after it failed them over and over again, the miners moved sharply to the left, embracing anti-capitalist ideas from Big Bill Haywood, Charles Moyer, and other leaders.
In 1899, it called for industrial unionism for the first time, breaking with the older conservative forms of craft unionism dominant in the American labor movement.
Meanwhile, Colorado mine owners wanted to take back control of Cripple Creek. The National Association of Manufacturers was organizing a coordinated business movement to stop unionization.
In 1903, NAM head David Parry gave a speech at the group’s annual convention talking about how unions were going to subject capitalists to slavery and tyranny. This speech wasn’t hysterical or overwrought or anything.....
At the convention was Colorado capitalist James Craig, who headed the Citizens Alliance of Denver, a local business group with the dedicated goal of keeping Colorado union-free. Craig took this message back and Colorado capitalists began planning to destroy the WFM.
Strikes popped up around Colorado that year and that included Cripple Creek, which went on strike in March to shut down ore shipments to struck mills in Colorado City.
A second strike in August started the real action, as the WFM leadership decided to shut down all mines in support of the mill workers across the state. This was a bridge too far for the capitalists. Through the late summer and into the fall, tensions rose.
Even Pinkerton spies noted that the miners were not really that radical and there was no good reason to send in the militia. But that was not what Peabody and the mine owners wanted to hear. By September 10, WFM leaders began to be arrested.
On November 21, two men, including the superintendent of the Vindicator Mine, were killed in an explosion. It was unclear if this was an accident or not, but it gave the bosses the excuse they needed for violence.
Peabody mobilized the militia on November 23 and on December 4, he declared martial law in the Cripple Creek district.
An attack on habeas corpus followed, with violations of civil rights, the suspension of freedom of the press, arrests without evidence for the deaths of the men in the explosion, the order of citizens to give up their firearms, and the abolishing of the right of public assembly.
Even walking down the street in Cripple Creek was declared illegal if one was not directly going somewhere. Many of the mines reopened with scabs. On January 26, 1904, 16 scab miners died when the terrible safety conditions led to a cable breaking and cart falling.
The WFM used this as a way to remind everyone of how dangerous the owners made the mines. Overall, the union still was holding on, as only about 10 percent of the striking miners had returned to work.
But there was no end at this point except total defeat, or possibly total victory. In any case, on June 6, 1904, an explosion at the Independence mine killed 13 miners.
When the sheriff started investigating the real cause, the mine owners sought to eliminate him from the mines and nearly lynched him. This was the chance the owners would take to get rid of the WFM once and for all.
In Victor, a gunfight took place. Even today, you can see the bullet holes in the old WFM hall in what is left of that high, desolate mining town. Finally, the union members surrendered.
The mine owners evicted all the unionists from the community, then set up kangaroo courts to try them. At least 230 miners refused to denounce the union and were deported across state lines. The mine owners had destroyed the WFM in Cripple Creek.
In the aftermath, WFM leaders believed that organizing even all the miners was not enough to tame capitalism. They would have to organize all of the workers. That led them to support a new union idea, in what became the Industrial Workers of the World.
Founded at a Chicago convention in 1905, the IWW attracted all sorts of leftist leaders, but it was the WFM who provided the early organizing spirit and numbers.
However, when relatively more conservative leadership took over the WFM soon after, the union withdrew from the IWW and that industrial federation took on a more anarcho-syndicalist spirit once it figured out what it was doing, leading to a whole history of its own.
The WFM however remained a major force in organizing western miners. Later changing its name to Mine, Mill, it was eventually redbaited out of the CIO and produced the classic 1954 labor film Salt of the Earth, to tell the stories of the New Mexico miners it represented.
Its remnants finally merged with the United Steelworkers of America in 1967.
This post borrowed from Elizabeth Jameson, All That Glitters: Class, Conflict, and Community in Cripple Creek.
Back Wednesday to talk about Mississippi's Black Codes.

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25 Nov
This Day in Labor History: November 25, 1865. Mississippi created the first Black Code, attempting to reinstitute slavery in all but name. Let's talk about how far southern whites would go to ensure bound Black labor! Image
First, it's important to remember again that slavery was fundamentally a labor system. That was the point. Yes, it was based on race. But the point was that whites would have non-whites working for them with no rights in perpetuity. Everything else was secondary to that.
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22 Nov
This is very interesting and I think one of the lessons of the 2020 elections is how much white liberalism is the dominant ideology of electoral politics among both liberals AND the left. So often, we aren't even asking the right questions.

nytimes.com/2020/11/20/opi…
So often, whites are so concerned with being "allies" for instance that we reaching with massive ignorance into questions inside of communities about which the dynamics of which they know absolutely nothing.
Just as an example here--the whole "Latinx" thing. Regardless of its merits, white liberals have picked up on it as THE way to talk about this population if we want to be allies. And OK, but when only 3% of the actual population uses it, it's not really reaching out to them.
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22 Nov
This Day in Labor History: November 22, 1887. Whites slaughter Black members of the Knights of Labor striking in Thibodaux, Louisiana. Let's talk about Black labor organizing and white repression of it around the Thibodaux Massacre!
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Remember, slavery was a labor system first and foremost and the first goal of whites after the war was asserting control over Black labor. This is the aftermath of the issue after Reconstruction.
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21 Nov
This Day in Labor History: November 21, 1927.

Colorado state police massacred six striking coal miners at the Columbine Mine in Serene, in what was one of so many instances in American history of government using police forces as the private strikebreaking army of employers!
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As there are almost no examples of major strikes in American history succeeding when the state and employers unite against them, this intervention was crucial.
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19 Nov
This Day in Labor History: November 19, 1915. Utah executes the IWW organizer and songwriter Joe Hill for a murder he did not commit. Let's talk about this iconic labor martyr! Image
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12 Nov
This Day in Labor History: November 12, 1892. The New Orleans General Strike ended with a major victory for workers!! Let's talk about this great moment in our labor history!
In early 1892, New Orleans’ streetcar drivers won a strike and received union recognition and a shorter workday. This inspired workers across New Orleans to form unions and join up their organizations with the American Federation of Labor. About 30 new unions formed.
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