This an incoherent and, frankly, silly way of thinking about the issues here. All treaties - all contracts - involve a surrender of freedom of action (“sovereignty”).
The question is whether what you are agreeing not to do is something you value doing so much that you will sacrifice all the benefits of an agreement in order to keep the ability to do it.
So when the EU insists on the UK operating a robust and independent subsidy control regime, the meaningful question is whether the things we couldn’t do in such a regime are things we really want to do.
Do we want UK public authorities (UK government, devolved governments) to be able to throw money at who they like without legal recourse for those adversely affected and without robust checks on effectiveness and value for money?
What things does the government actually want to do that couldn’t fairly easily pass through such a well-designed robust regime? And is the ability to do those things (whatever they are) worth the costs of a (permanent) no deal with the EU?
Remember, this is a government that has already agreed some hard-edged subsidy commitments with Japan. uksala.org/subsidy-provis…. It is also a government that promised in March (@michaelgove to @CommonsFREU) to have in place a “robust” subsidy regime “that will satisfy the EU.”
Remember, I suppose, before getting irritated by this latest silliness, that there are smoke and mirrors everywhere.
But I also disagree with voting for it: any deal will be a bad one, driven by the current government’s incoherent obsession with “sovereignty” (an obsession that appears to apply only to agreements with the EU). theguardian.com/politics/2020/…
Labour should promise to go back and renegotiate this bad FTA when it gets into government. Its inadequacies will reveal themselves pretty swiftly over the next year or so.
The problem with the proposed position emerges down the article, when the author accepts that if there were any chance that the implementing legislation might be defeated (eg a large Tory rebellion) Labour should abstain.
So the suggested vote against is purely symbolic, and contrary to what Labour (and the author) actually wants, which is to get the legislation passed (given what will happen if it isn’t: the lesser of two evils).
This rejected clause is the provision that makes subsidy control a reserved matter - giving Westminster power to legislate to impose a subsidy control regime on the devolved parliaments without breaching the Sewel convention.
Note, though, that clause itself is a breach of the Sewel convention, since it takes power from the devolved parliaments without their consent. Paradox number 1.
Paradox number 2 is that the current government’s current declared plan for a subsidy control regime is ... not to have a plan. We might do something some time if we feel like it.
But the point exhibits a peculiarly English Tory type of constitutional reductionism. Many, if not most, federal or devolved systems exhibit a constant tension between central and sub-central units, and constant bargaining over powers.
That can be healthy: political tension and conflict, and divided power, is often a good thing. Read Machiavelli or the Federalist Papers.
The SI it refers to revokes the recognition *in the UK* of the EU common ski instructor test: legislation.gov.uk/uksi/2020/1038… (see (a)).
But - obviously - that doesn’t affect anything happening in the EU. The reason why training UK national ski instructors have to get their Eurotest qualification in December is that as a matter of EU law the regulation setting up that test applies only to EU nationals.
Really, as the Torygraph’s chief political correspondent, @christopherhope should know that senior civil servants are *already* subject to performance reviews. This is basic.
Also, it is a myth (derived from one of the less accurate episodes of “Yes, Minister” that Ministers are forbidden from talking to (or “quizzing”) “junior civil servants”.
The real story - which @christopherhope may have missed - would be if Patel (after several years as a Minister) or her Spads still haven’t cottoned onto the fact that senior civil servants have performance reviews or that she can talk to junior civil servants if she wants to.