"The end of the Transition Period provides an historic opportunity to overhaul our outdated public procurement regime," writes Lord Agnew in this long awaited Green Paper assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/upl…. If these words don't strike terror into your heart they should.
Remember, the Government's position is that no one has the ability to bring a public interest challenge to it giving contracts worth hundreds of millions to its mates. Only disaffected bidders, Government says, can bring those challenges.
We don't yet know whether Government's position is right. The position of the Administrative Court so far, is that it is arguable we do have standing. But we have no *financial* interest in pursuing procurement claims in the public interest.
Even if you assume that the Government is wrong and we do have standing, for us to bring challenges to seek protect the public interest in Government not corruptly contracting with its friends, we have to ask you for money. There is no other way to fund that action.
Indeed, it is quite a lot worse than that because the Government is seeking to confront @GoodLawProject with existential risk in bringing these challenges. Here is what the Government told the Court in, I believe, an attempt to scare us off pursuing these procurement challenges.
Government has hired DAC Beachcroft - a commercial firm whose rates might be £300-£500 an hour - and the costs of the exercise they are here describing could easily be £5-10m. So you would almost be mad (no comments please) to pursue a procurement claim in the public interest.
So if we can't do it - and we are trying to work out how we might - then who will?
And now we come to the especially egregious bit in Government's Green Paper.
Usually it is disaffected bidders - the proper PPE supplier that lost out to someone ushered through the VIP channel - who brings a procurement claim. And even they are heavily disincentivised to bring a procurement claim for two reasons.
The first is that, even they are put off by Government's ability to spend limitless amounts of money to increase the risk of bringing a procurement claim (in our legal system the loser pays the winner's costs) and there is never any certainty in litigation.
And the second is that most companies believe - rightly or wrongly but in my experience they almost universally believe it - that if they sue the Government for giving the contract to a crony they will never win another Government contract again. So they keep their heads down.
Where, despite those reasons they do sue, they sue because they have a hope of recovering damages in the amount of the profits they would have won had the Government awarded the contract properly and fairly. And this is where the Green Paper comes in.
What the Green Paper proposes is this: a cap on the amount of damages that you can recover if, despite the huge costs risk of bringing a claim and the threat of commercial reprisals from Government, you do bring a claim and succeed.
So you reduce or remove such small incentive as there might be to bring a procurement claim.
So, and this is our initial reading, you would have (1) no public interest defender and (2) effectively no commercial defender of proper procurement either.
Government does say the cap should not apply "where malfeasance has been demonstrated" (para 212). But how can you know at the outset, when you have to decide whether you can sue but have no information at all, that there is corruption?
We will come back to this subject soon but we are concerned that the Green Paper - only possible, as the opening sentence of the Ministerial Foreword says because of Brexit - might de facto allow Ministers to contract to advance their own financial and political interests.
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"I've moved a long way in my conceptualisation of what privilege really means, and quite how extraordinarily stupid and thoughtless and arrogant my tribe can be" vice.com/en/article/qjp…
I am really pleased I gave this interview to @RubyJLL. I haven't wanted to do media and have turned down a lot of bids - our media generally is in a terrible place - but there were two things I really wanted to say.
The first - and I feel this point keenly and have the proselytising zeal of the newly converted - is that people of privilege really, really, really need to get better at actually listening to those without it.
We need to talk about the 'expert' witness statement evidence led by Ms Bell in her successful case before the Tavistock. THREAD
You can see who gave evidence in her support from these extracts from the Tavistock's Skeleton Argument.
Helpful for you to bear in mind that her solicitor was a man called Paul Conrathe, who has a long association with the religious right in the US (I have talked about him a number of times but this is as good a starting point as any).
If you look at the evidence - including from the UK - it tells you that allowing gender incongruent children and teenagers to 'affirm' in their chosen gender reduces suicide risks. Strip away all the sound and the fury and what last week's judgment means is more cases like this.
Of course, any fair judicial process would have heard from trans children/young adults about the benefits of puberty blockers. But the Divisional Court, in a manner I am still shocked by today, declined to hear from any voice representing their interests.
Puberty blockers are used throughout the world. They are used because transgender teenagers overwhelmingly 'affirm' and unless you arrest their puberty you cruelly force them to live a life where their body - eg an adam's apple, a deep voice - is incongruent with their gender.
A short history of @GoodLawProject's involvement with Brexit.
In late June 2016 we launched the case that eventually established that Parliamentary authorisation was needed to trigger Article 50. ft.com/content/52e562…
In December 2017 we launched the case that a year later established that the United Kingdom could unilaterally revoke Article 50 if it wanted, defeating the UK Government, the EU Council and the EU Commission.
In July 2019, we brought litigation that ultimately led to the Supreme Court ruling Johnson's suspension of Parliament - perhaps the most shameful ever act of the modern British state - unlawful. theguardian.com/politics/2019/…
Hard to avoid the conclusion that Johnson's £100bn Moonshot is a huge white elephant.
"They're putting in place an intervention that hasn't been evaluated, will possibly do more harm and will cost a lot of money."
"Media reports had claimed that as few as 4% of residents in poorer areas were coming forward, but the government said that it was too early to say for sure if that was the case."
Here's a story for your Friday night. I've been wanting to get the documents to back it up but I don't think they're going to come so you'll just have to take from me that it comes from an impeccable source with no reason to lie.
I totally believe it's true - every word of it - and I'm putting it in the public domain because there might be just about enough for an actual, talented journalist to bottom it out. And bottoming it out is profoundly in the public interest.
So back in the very early days of the pandemic - February or March - a company (X) was given a very large PPE contract. X could reasonably claim to be a proper PPE supplier. The contract was signed and X started shipping the PPE to the UK.