1. This thread is based on recent conversations with people whose information and judgment I trust, who in turn have spoken candidly with Trump appointees still on the inside.
Here's a question: Why did Trump and Barr, when they negotiated Barr's departure, settle on Dec. 23?
2. It could, obviously, be kind of random--a date picked last week to allow Barr to get things in order, an accommodation of Barr's family schedule, etc. But it could also be that Barr very much wanted to get out before Dec. 24, and/or that Trump wanted him out by then.
3. One obvious possibility discussed in the White House: Trump has spoken about a bunch of pardons on Christmas Eve. Some of the names may have been too much for Barr--so they agreed on his departure on Dec. 23.
4. (Or the pardons will be a few days later, but the principle holds--Barr wanted out, or Trump wanted him out, first.) But it could be more than pardons. Yesterday Barr suggested there were several things he wouldn't do that Trump wanted him to do as AG...
5. ...ranging from appointing special counsels for Hunter Biden or election fraud, to giving a legal ok for seizing voting machines or for various types of Insurrection Act-type moves by the president. Can one be confident Barr's successor as AG, Jeffrey Rosen, will also say no?
6. I'm told not. I'm told the very ambitious Rosen has pushed on earlier occasions for carrying out Trump's will only to be stopped by Barr. And people who've worked with Rosen say they wouldn't be surprised to see him, as AG, hasten to try to do Trump's will.
7. In the past, Rosen has been allied with some in the White House counsel's office and others elsewhere in the White House who've been for going whole hog for Trump, as a friend put it. They've run up against resistance from Barr but also from WH Counsel Pat Cipollone.
8. The departure of Cipollone would be a signal, as one person put it, that "all bets are off."
9. I'm also reliably told senior military officials in the Pentagon are more, not less, alarmed than they were a few weeks ago when Mark Esper was fired. The new crew of Trump loyalists in the most senior civilian positions don't seem there only to burnish their resumes, as...
10. ...one person put it. They're trying to figure out, in coordination with people in the White House, "how to make things happen." The senior military obviously retain considerable clout, to say the least. But the discussions they're having among themselves are unprecedented--
11. ...more sober and weighty than those of 1974 in the weeks before Nixon's resignation. And the difference is that Jim Schlesinger was then Secretary of Defense, committed to checking an unstable and desperate president, not to helping one.
12. All of these alarms, one hopes and trusts, will come to nothing, or at least to not too much. And the coup, in the end, will fail. But that something more than we've seen so far won't be tried--of that people aren't so confident.
13. The first thing to look for is what, if anything, happens on Dec. 24.
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1. A possible additional data point: Derek Lyons is Trump's staff secretary. After working on the Jeb! campaign (!), he joined the Trump White House on day one, working for Rob Porter. Lyons succeeded Porter as staff secretary in Feb. 2018, became part of Trump's inner circle...
2. ...and was going to become domestic policy chief in May of this year, but was stopped by a revolt by America First purists. He got the consolation prize of adding Counselor to the President to his staff secretary job, joining Hope Hicks and Kellyanne Conway who had that title.
3. He's traveled a lot with Trump, and has been in the inner circle (for example, he was at last Friday's meeting in the Oval Office). But at the beginning of last week, he announced he was leaving before the end of the year--surprising for someone who seemed such a loyalist.
I guess we could call ourselves Democratic-Republicans? 1. We’re Republicans or ex-Republicans who are pro-democracy. 2. We want to advance what’s best in both existing parties. 3. The original Democratic-Republican Party was founded by Jefferson and Madison, and was successful.
Another thread.
More on DOD, based on further conversations with well-informed former Trump officials: 1. NSA Robert O'Brien also key; he urged removal of Esper, putting in Miller and Patel. 2. Having total loyalists not just at Sec Def but at DOD Policy and Intel is a big deal.
3. Re Miller, Patel, Tata, Cohen-Watnick, Ellis (new general counsel at NSA): "None is remotely qualified for the job he holds." But that's doesn't matter to WH. Along with Ratcliffe at DNI, we're getting close to Trumpist control or attempted control of the "power ministries."
4. Who knows whether intentions are mostly petty, or domestic election interference, or unimpeded decisions in foreign policy (latter could range from military force to military withdrawals, and from pro-Putin to pro-MBS). But, I'm told, both Esper and Milley are truly worried.
Short thread.
FWIW, my takeaway from conversations last night with recent DOD senior officials: 1) DOD under Esper has pushed back more than many people realize against many Trump ideas, ranging from use of troops here at home, to Afghan withdrawal, to military options re Iran.
2) Chris Miller's career has been entirely in counter-terrorism, and Trump knows him in that context from his job at NSC. "Totally out of his depth" for broad responsibilities as Sec Def--but if Trump wants to launch more Suleimani-like raids, it would sense to have Miller there.
3) Kash Patel will be most powerful person in building as COS to Sec Def. A Trump loyalist, he helped engineer these changes, and is very close to WH Trumpists like McEntee and Meadows. Patel a more effective operator than Miller, will effectively be running civilian side of DOD.
Short thread 1. Former VP chief of staff here.
I remember thinking, when I took over in the summer of 1989 as VP Quayle's chief of staff, how impatient I was with the long, detailed and hypothetical continuity of government (COG) briefings and exercises. I had work to do!
2. I recall saying this in passing to someone in the White House who'd been on VP Bush's staff. He stopped me, took me into his office, and told me in some detail about March 30, 1981. He said I needed to take this seriously. Other stuff seemed urgent, but this was important.
3. So I took COG planning seriously; thankfully it never really came into play. But there were a couple of times when President Bush was ill or looked as if he might have to be hospitalized, and I remember talking with the president's chief of staff about what might happen.
1. Lincoln's impromptu remarks to the One Hundred Sixty-sixth Ohio Regiment.
Washington, D.C.
August 22, 1864
"For the service you have done in this great struggle in which we are engaged I present you sincere thanks for myself and the country.
2. I almost always feel inclined, when I happen to say anything to soldiers, to impress upon them in a few brief remarks the importance of success in this contest. It is not merely for to-day, but for all time to come that we should perpetuate for our children's children...
3. "...this great and free government, which we have enjoyed all our lives. I beg you to remember this, not merely for my sake, but for yours. I happen temporarily to occupy this big White House.