🧵 History of the pardon power is very interesting. I consider the dynamic similar to SCOTUS having discretion over what cases it will hear. There are some cases that the country cannot afford to decide either way. Pardons are a way to dodge such a decision.
The whole point is they don't come down on one side of the dispute or the other; they remove the dispute from the system altogether. That is why Congress should have nothing to do with it. It cannot be partisan or majority driven. That would legitimate rather than neutralize.
A ton of pardons are for rebellion, treason, sedition, mutiny, and insubordination. In these cases, the behavior probably met the legal definition of treason, but getting into the issue of whether the person was a traitor "in spirit" was not desirable. We can see why:
Interestingly, in the years leading up to the Civil War, there were pardons for helping slaves escape. This was illegal, but they didn't want to decide whether it was wrong. The types of pardons granted in a certain era are probably a good indicator of political stability.
A few pardons involved Mormons. The decision being avoided was whether the Mormons had some claim to sovereignty that made federal law irrelevant. The Ex-Confederate pardons were similar, but with the added element of treason.
Lincoln's pardons don't lend themselves well to a discussion of norms. He's also being canceled for his role in the Minnesota case, but he reviewed the case files and pardoned almost all of them. He refused to pardon anyone, including U.S. soldiers, accused of "violating women."
After they pardon the last of the Confederates, it gets fairly boring. Few big rebellious movements that could threaten the increasingly powerful federal government. Mostly pardons for elaborate corruption, violating Prohibition, and publishing censored information.
Presidential pardons can only be a personal judgment. And Presidents may have knowledge we don't. Only they can judge whether something might be about to destabilize the country, through some chain of causation.
This does vest extraordinary power in one person, and seems to incentivize bad behavior. My response to that is that the system assumes anyone who gets enough votes from the American people to become President can't be all that bad. Tough sell, but I basically agree.
In other words, they might use pardons to cover their mistakes, but they don't set out to take advantage of the system in total disregard of the national interest. They, or their associates, get overconfident or in over their heads.
But the finality and inability to diffuse responsibility is essential to the process. If it was subject to game-playing or justification, it would have no value in defusing tension among elites or radicals, or preempting destabilizing scandals.
Two helpful examples: 1) What if a celebrated military leader is caught committing treason in the middle of a war? You have to remove him, but telling the public and soldiers all the details may demoralize them into losing the war. Better to pardon and avoid an investigation.
2) What if, in the middle of a crisis, a family member of a president is being blackmailed for involvement in a crime? Essentially being used as a hostage by someone facing prison time? The president can't be expected to think straight with that going on. Better to pardon.
In that case, he could resign, but I'm talking about a situation in which the country really needs his services and a competent replacement is not readily available. And the same could be true if a valuable Cabinet member had a family member being blackmailed. /🧵
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🧵 The conversation surrounding this is confused in ways that really backfire. For example, you often hear that the Founders more or less "wanted gridlock to be the norm," for it to be "hard to get anything done," to guard against radical change.
Naturally, this tends to lessen the public's respect for the whole system. It doesn't sound very attractive, or at least sounds like a particularly inefficient way of guarding against radical change. "They wanted to force compromise," is better, but also backfires.
It confuses the public into being mad that everyone "can't just get a long and compromise," like it's a matter of personal attitudes and conflict is a sign something is wrong. A more invigorating and accurate framing:
🧵 Guess it's a good time to stick with the pardon theme. Jonathan Turley is one of the vanishingly few people who discusses the pardoning power as it actually exists. He recently pointed out the total absurdity of the general discussion and its fixation with imaginary "norms."
I've probably never seen such an elaborate misrepresentation of a legal concept as I have of the pardoning power. This pre-dates Trump and isn't a partisan issue, but it has gotten a lot worse lately. But the concept seems to generate uniquely confused legal analysis.
The frantic resistance to the idea that such a power could be absolute is a defining feature of the last few decades. The philosophy of government behind it was once non-controversial, even if the pardons themselves were. Now no one can conceive of it.
I don't agree with all every tweet in the thread, but I agree with the general diagnoses. I'm surprised that more people aren't saying something similar, especially in discussions about censorship and free speech.
This is why I'm not comfortable with declaring religious thinking fundamentally opposed to politics. Making your politics your religion is dangerous, but I'm not sure it is *more* dangerous than believing politics has an autopilot setting.
This seems pretty close to saying that the restrictions are designed to signal the state's disapproval of people socializing with friends and family.
I don't think this is justifiable. I don't think there's been a connection demonstrated between these restrictions and the threat to hospital capacity. But all that aside, we're canceling medical procedures and hassling business owners in order to "send a message" to *others.*
And we don't even know if it the messaging works, or if there's even much danger from people seeing friends and family. As far as I can tell, people are pretty careful in MA, and wear masks reliably.
My conscience compels me to sound like a crank and say that minimizing *overall* virus spread was never a remotely justifiable policy. It led to cruel policies like prohibiting family and overly invasive care, as well as postponing urgent non-covid care.
I've been aghast since March, and it's still going on. There is no possible justification for some of these tradeoffs, and they still can't admit fallibility. The virus is dangerous to hospital patients, and it would seem the solution to that is separate facilities and staff.
They (I assume hospital execs, intimidated by the fantasies of the media and some public health authorities) tossed all tradeoffs and common sense out the window, and put doctors in a terrible position. Telling quotes from doctors have been scattered in the press all along.
I think this misidentifies the issue: being admitted based on powerful connections is becoming as controversial as exams. There have been a number of apologies connected to this lately.
There's also little benefit to the school for doing this kind of favor, or cultivating these kinds of connections. The main driver now is money. Connections only help if your parents will buy a whole building. Otherwise, it is a consumer-driven model.
If letters of introduction actually came back in style, I think that would be a good thing. It would make things less zero-sum. The talents of older and working class students are more likely to be recognized where there is an opportunity to submit a letter from an employer, etc.