In today’s lecture, Foucault will briefly revisit his discussion of sovereignty from the last lecture, before moving on to the main topic of the lecture series: war. Today we will learn the meaning of the series' title: SOCIETY MUST BE DEFENDED.
Other topics MF will cover include: the emergence of social war discourses after the Middle Ages. Truth and social war. The mythical nature of social war discourses. 2 types of race war. State racism.
[‘social war’ is my term]
To the lectures…
Foucault begins by saying goodbye. “Last time, we said a sort of farewell to the theory of sovereignty.”
He sums up this theory by focusing on 3 terms: subject, unity, and legitimacy.
1⃣ Sovereign power is constituted by a multiplicity of subjects.
2⃣ Sovereignty must somehow unite that multiplicity of powers.
3⃣ This sovereign power must have a legitimacy that is prior to the law (that allows law to be created).
So, subject-unity-legitimacy. These are the basic elements of sovereign power.
MF then says that his aim is to escape this model of power. Instead of these ‘elements’ of sovereignty, he wants to explore ‘relations of domination’—to come up with a theory of domination.
He stresses again a point he made in the last lecture: the task is not to locate a central source and observe how power radiates from there. Instead, we must look at power in relationships at multiple localized sites.
Then, he comes back to war. Back to this idea that “beneath the laws” there is “a sort of primitive and permanent war.” His question is: where, when & how did this idea emerge?
Very generally, MF says, we can trace the origin of this idea to changes that took place over the Middle Ages. During this period, war was taken up by the state as a professional enterprise. War was pushed to the margins of the state, as something that happens between states.
As this process nears completion in the late 16th century, a paradox emerges. As war is pushed to the state's margins, a discourse of ‘social war’ emerges. Society comes to be seen as a set of permanent antagonistic relationships. As war leaves society, society becomes war.
“The law is born of real battles, victories, massacres, and conquests which can be dated and which have their horrific heroes; the law was born in burning towns and ravaged fields. It was born together with the famous innocents who died at the break of day.”
“In the smallest of its cogs, peace is waging a secret war…peace itself is a coded war… a battlefront runs through the whole of society, continuously and permanently.”
MF will trace the history of these ideas—'the 1st historico-political discourses in post-medieval Europe.'
First MF looks at how these discourses reposition ideas of truth. Truth is not removed from this social war. Truth, instead, has become an “additional force” in war. Every attempt to speak the truth is spoken as part of this binary conflict. Truth becomes “de-centered.”
This means we see the emergence of new discourses about truth and reason. These discourses start treating truth and reason with greater cynicism, as instrumental justifications for brutality.
[As an aside, I have trouble following this section & fitting it into the overall lecture. I haven’t really worked through it carefully so you may want to follow up in the text, p51-55.]
MF then says that this discourse of war and truth might seem boring: “a discourse for nostalgic aristocrats or scholars in a library.” Rather than seeking firm truths that give rise to rights, it is obsessed with “the indefiniteness of history.” YAWN
But, MF tells us, this is no 😢 gloomy discourse. It is mythological. Social war is EPIC: sleeping giants, ancestral revenge, wounded heroes, the return of exiled kings, the twilight of the gods, the birth of a new era. A discourse of both bitterness and “insane hopes.”
[And we start to see here why SOCIETY MUST BE DEFENDED became popular at the start of Trump’s presidency. MAGA discourse is full of social war discourse, and is characterized by exactly this sort of epic, mythological quality & by bitterness and hope.]
MF claims that social war discourses started in the margins, but began its rise to significance as a challenge to royal power. The king was seen as an invader, and enemy in a social war. This challenge to the king was in some cases from the aristocrats, sometimes the people.
And then, gradually, it was assimilated and colonized by the state. Rather than being a discourse AGAINST state power, it became an essential apparatus OF state power.
This war that the state assimilates, whether it has origins in aristocratic bitterness or popular resentment, is a race war. MF describes 2 ‘transcriptions’ of race war.
1st is straightforward, biological race. War between biological races underpins nationalism & colonialism.
This idea of biological race war later transforms into the idea of class struggle: the 2nd ‘transcription’ of race war. Both transcriptions are rooted in the same idea of epic struggle between two social groups that suffuses the social body in peacetime.
MF says he will trace the transition between the two transcriptions in later lectures. But for now he tells us why this change is important. He says it gives rise to an “absolutely new” discourse that “functions very differently” from both these transcriptions of race war.
In this new transcription, the enemy race becomes internalized. It is “permanently, ceaselessly infiltrating the social body” while also “constantly being re-created in & by the social fabric.” This discourse of race war is now a mechanism of state power.
Now that the enemy is in the social body, the following discourse emerges:
“WE HAVE TO DEFEND SOCIETY against the biological threats posed by the other race, the subrace, the counterrace that we are, despite ourselves, bringing into existence.”
In this discourse, we see the emergence of state racism, and the expression of state power as the purification and normalization of society. It is the emergence of this discourse, from the 17th century to the early 19th, that MF will trace in the coming lectures. /fin
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As I see it, today’s lecture covers two main topics:
1⃣ a discussion of methodology in relation to the study of power
2⃣ a discussion of two forms of state power: sovereign power & what Foucualt will later call biopower.
The discussion of sovereign power & biopower might give us a useful way to think about one aspect of our current moment: the pandemic & anti-mask/ anti-lockdown movements. I’ll come back to that. But, for now, to the lecture itself…
Is war a useful model for understanding power?
MF opens his second lecture with this question. He wants to begin—“and to do no more than begin”—exploring whether war can provide a “a principle that can help us understand and analyze political power…”
First lecture. January 7, 1976. It doesn’t begin well. Foucault starts his 1976 lectures by complaining. He gets paid to do RESEARCH, but he’s spending all his time preparing these lectures, which have turned into a ‘circus’.
He is not enjoying the lectures: “…torture is putting it too strongly, boredom is putting it too mildly, so I suppose it [is] somewhere between the two.” So he has decided to move the lectures early in the day this year, in the hope that nobody will turn up.
Moving on, MF tells us that this year’s lectures will bring to a close a series of research projects he has been working on for the past four or five years. “We are making no progress, and it’s all leading nowhere. It’s all repetitive and it doesn’t add up.”
This year, I’ve continued writing about Tibet’s minoritized languages, the ongoing efforts to eliminate them, and the issue of language oppression across the Himalayas and around the world. [thread]
This article looks at how race and language oppression are entangled in Tibet, and lays the groundwork for a raciolinguistic approach to the global language crisis.
This article examines the emergence of a language rights discourse among Tibetans in China, and shows how this discourse works against the interests of Tibetans that sign and speak minoritized languages.
The 19th of November was Gunditjmara Invasion Day. It marks the date when settler Edward Hently first arrived in Gunditjmara country (now western Victoria, Australia). Invasion, murder, death & dispossession followed. This violent history continues to be denied. 1/n
In this thread I will show how settlers today continue to trivialize this violence against Indigenous people.
I want to be clear that I’m focusing on settler denial (as a settler) & that I’m not speaking for Gunditjmara people. 2/n
I’m going to talk about denial in a really mundane—but not trivial—context: cheese.
The point I want to make is that even mundane things & commercial products are sites of the denial of colonial violence & its justification and continuation. 3/n
🧵 - I've just had an editor refuse to publish a piece of writing they invited me to submit & I think it's fair to call it censorship. Pls read because I think the implications are important [long 🧵 - skip to the end for implications]
In March 2019 I received an invitation to present at a conference to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the founding of the Tibetan Institute of Performing Arts (TIPA).
I submitted a proposal on 'Music & Multilingualism in Pre-Colonial Tibet.' I was unsure if my proposal would be accepted, because speaking about the Tibetan context as 'multilingual' is still not widely accepted.
Here's a short thread on theories of race and racism in Foucault. I'll start with the (English) sources of his ideas on race, and then provide a list of articles (no books) that provide interpretation. Feel free to add if you have other sources.
Foucault started to develop his ideas on race and racism in his 1974-75 lectures (Abnormal), but only in the last lecture.