One interesting aspect of this is this is that there are a number of voices asking questions about who has power to decide who has access to a major platform and what, in a democracy, is the legitimacy of their power to make that choice.
As Brexit has taught us, the UK is not an island. It has a land border: and one that is impossible to close. If you don’t have coherent solutions to that issue, your policy isn’t a policy: it’s a letter to Father Christmas.
The only solutions which I can see are (1) treat NI as abroad for all purposes, including quarantine (and you need to be up front about the political and economic cost of that); or
He’s right that this will be an area where subsidies to support production will be very closely scrutinised under the TCA - and note the power of UK Courts to review for TCA compliance under s29 of the EU (Future Relationship) Act and Art 3.10 TCA.
My piece concentrated on the position under the Trade and Cooperation Agreement. That’s what I know about: and it’s a single public document that anyone can look up and get advice on.
If it is clear from the TCA that something is permitted across the EU then - armed with that - you can reasonably sensibly go and do it.
What is needed is a new mobility chapter setting out general rights (which could be qualified) to allow short-term visa-free working by UK citizens in the EU and vice versa - along the lines offered by the EU and rejected by the current government for ideological reasons.
This whole passage (with its spectacular misquote of an article by me) has sensibly been removed.
The piece though retains its bizarre analysis of the subsidy control provisions - which, as I explain in my thread, seizes excitedly on alleged new flexibilities without realising that those flexibilities were already in the State aid rules.