Biden clearly should not do #1. The problem with #2 is that reconciliation delays the inevitable and creates a tiered system where issues that happen to be ineligible - like civil rights and democracy reform - are relegated to second-class status and left to die by filibuster.
This👇is the danger. By using reconciliation you’re conceding the point that major legislation deserves to pass by majority vote, but only certain kinds for arbitrary reasons. Plus the process itself is opaque and ugly. You risk laying a logistical & political trap for yourself.
All the “here’s what you can do through reconciliation” takes are correct but also look through the wrong end of the telescope. Any of the items mentioned, or a small number of them, would be relatively easy. But putting them all together in one leadership-driven mega package...
... with no committee involvement and no real oversight, enduring tough press for jamming a massive package through a close process and stories about lobbyist giveaways while dodging the adverse parliamentary rulings that are virtually inevitable and still maintaining 50 votes...
It’s possible! Maybe the mega-ness of the package ends up helping hold 50 votes. But the ugliness of the process is being underpriced. And to what end? You’re just delaying the inevitable since you can’t use it for civil rights nor can you allow civil rights to die by filibuster.
Also if you run afoul of reconciliation rules which you almost certainly will with a package this big, you have to nuke the Byrd rule, which is tantamount to going nuclear anyway. That’s fine, but will leave many wondering why they didn’t just go nuclear in the first place.
I’m not saying draw a hard line, per se . But I think some of the “it’s cool we’ll just use reconciliation” sanguinity dramatically underestimates the unwieldiness of the process itself as well as the possibility that it leads to a costly spring or summer quagmire.
The worst case is that the process is such a mess that you lose the votes for the big package and can only pass something skinny while also giving Republicans time to find their footing (a la Republicans and ACA repeal). You lose a lot of the early momentum behind Biden’s agenda.
This. There may also be a false sense of security that it'll be easier to get the votes to nuke the Byrd rule because it's seen as a less extreme step. I wonder. Maybe (hopefully) nuking Byrd is baked into the decision to use reconciliation from the jump.
But by the time it becomes necessary to nuke the Byrd rule, there will have been weeks of press about the ugly process while Republicans snipe from the sidelines. And your antagonist in the Byrd nuclear fight is the Parliamentarian, not Republicans. Which could cut either way. 🤷‍♂️
You can only expand it by nuking the Byrd rule, which is what makes reconciliation so restrictive. To broaden it enough to include issues like civil rights, you're effectively going full nuke. Except you're doing it against the Parls instead of Rs. And...
... while this is not a terrible endgame, you might have created an ungodly path for legislation where basically everything gets re-routed through the Budget Committee. This is part of why I find it ironic that folks think reconciliation protects the Senate- it's hella messy. AND
Repeating myself, but that vote to nuke the Byrd rule probably only comes after weeks of a messy, insular process that maybe sapped much political capital. It may be an easier vote because it's more obscure, but it may actually be harder because of the messiness. I can't decide.
In a vacuum, yes, which is why I'm torn. But this will not be some quiet vote to change budget rules, it'll be the center of massive attention and come at the end of a long messy process. And it won't be a clean vote against Republican obstruction.
Depends on what you consider essential to pass in the next four years. If the answer includes major democracy reforms, then no.
Tl;dr: you can't do democracy reform via reconciliation. If we don't do democracy reform we're screwed. Maybe reconciliation is a way to do some stuff fast, and nuke the filibuster later. But maybe reconciliation is a quagmire and come summer we'll wish we'd gone nuke and rolled.

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More from @AJentleson

21 Jan
The filibuster was not part of the original Senate because the Framers knew exactly how it'd be used- they saw McConnell coming. The filibuster represents Calhoun's vision, not Madison's. Calhoun wanted a Senate where the minority could block the majority. nytimes.com/2021/01/20/opi…
To those who say the filibuster encourages bipartisanship, Hamilton addressed this directly in Federalist 22: "What at first sight may seem a remedy, is, in reality, a poison," he wrote of a supermajority threshold. It doesn't encourage cooperation, it encourages obstruction.
The de facto supermajority threshold was first forged against civil rights. Jim Crow-era segregationist senators repurposed a 1917 Senate rule to force every civil rights bill to clear a supermajority threshold, blocking them all. Only civil rights bills were blocked in this way.
Read 7 tweets
19 Jan
A few quick thoughts on this: it's fine. If Dems control the floor and gavels, and ties in committees advance bills or nominations to the floor, those are the powers that come with majority control. Lacking clear majorities on committees might test party unity, but seldomly.
"Power-sharing" is an overstatement. The functional reality of the Senate will not be noticeably different under this than it'd be if Democrats had a bigger majority. The only significant difference is that committees will be evenly divided, but if ties go to Dems, that's fine.
How this works: the Senate has to approve an organizing resolution that sets committee sizes and membership. Under current Senate rules, that resolution needs 60 votes to pass. There's, er, some debate about whether the Senate should go nuclear to abolish the 60-vote threshold...
Read 6 tweets
7 Jan
Hawley is likely to emerge with the political upper hand from today, and it’s important to be clear-eyed about that. Elite opinion may pile on him for a while. But by this time next year his GOP colleagues will be begging him to do fundraising events for them.
Republican voters embraced Trump from the moment he set foot in the 2016 primary. They stayed loyal to him for four years and turned out in record numbers for him in 2020. There’s simply not much basis for thinking they will now reject the approach of folks like Hawley.
Folks having a strong reaction should remember that they’re probably not the ones Hawley is appealing to. After the violence, 138 Republicans took stock and decided it was still in their interests to stick with Hawley. He wants to be a hero to the right. Seems to be working.
Read 10 tweets
30 Dec 20
Yup. Before the filibuster emerged in the mid-19th century, the chair could simply end debate when they thought senators had become dilatory, by ruling them out of order.(Relatedly, the idea that the Framers wanted Senate debate to be unlimited is a myth.)
Before he was a senator, John C. Calhoun was Adams' VP and presided over the Senate as Chair. Calhoun hated Adams because of his "corrupt bargain" with Clay. At the time, it was standard practice for the Chair to rule dilatory senators out of order. But one day...
... a senator was on the floor assailing Adams. Normally, the Chair would rule him out of order. But Calhoun was presiding, and in bitterness to Adams, he let the senator go on. This shocked senators, set a new precedent and nudged the door open to the obstruction we know today.
Read 4 tweets
29 Dec 20
Re-upping. If Trump wants to, he could ask Pence to preside and recognize a senator who is willing to bring up the House-passed bill raising checks to $2K. The VP is president of the Senate, can preside and is free to recognize any senator. How about it, @realDonaldTrump ?
Unlike in the House, the Senate Leader’s power to set the agenda is statutorily weak, based on tradition & precedent not rules. The Garner precedent gives the Leader priority recognition but it’s not a rule. The presider (aka Pence) can ignore it and recognize whoever they want.
Yes it is! Ultimately it comes down to whether the bill has the votes, because the end result of the maneuver is just to get the bill a vote. But for bills like the $2k/CASH Act that McConnell is not brining up precisely because he fears they might pass, this could come in handy.
Read 5 tweets
24 Dec 20
McConnell wants folks to think the $2k bill is doomed in the Senate but he’s really trying to avoid a vote that puts Perdue/Loeffler in a bind and might split his conference. Trump’s the X factor but if he backs it, there’ll be huge pressure on McConnell to bring it to the floor.
Actually, there is! If @realDonaldTrump is feeling as vengeful toward McConnell as reports suggest, he should read @jiwallner (no raging lefty) on how the Senate Majority Leader’s power to set the agenda is statutorily weak, based more on habit than rules.
Trump is probably just being a chaos machine. But if he actually wants the checks he can have Pence preside (VP is the president of the Senate) and give floor recognition to someone who’ll bring up the House $2k bill. If Trump won’t use this power, it confirms he’s just bluffing.
Read 4 tweets

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