Out of the EU you can try to set up your own equally thorough system of regulation: including huge and expensive-to-generate datasets. Problem: huge costs (and for a far smaller market); and suppliers will simply decide it’s not worth it and stop supplying GB*.
Other option: just “me too” EU approvals. But then you are tied to the EU regime and lose your own regulatory capacity. And have no accountability when things go wrong.
Moreover if you don’t have access to the EU dataset (and we don’t) you are taking a certain amount on trust.
There are two ways of trying to square that circle. The one that industry is pushing the government towards: partly to follow the EU regime (a form of default “me too” approval) but to allow UK/GB to take action (require more information/take its own action) in hard cases.
Problem is that the UK authorities will be less well placed than the EU, at least at the start. They won’t have the huge EU dataset. You may decide that what they will have, combined with what they can get, is good enough: but that’s a tricky judgment.
(And when it goes wrong it may be hard to explain to angry voters why the UK made do with less data than the EU insists on.)
The other route would have been to try to stay in these single market regimes. That was what the May government proposed to do. It was even hinted at in the 2019 political declaration - but the Johnson government chose not to pursue it.
Why was it rejected? Dogma, again: “The Government’s position on not remaining within the jurisdiction of the European Courts of Justice (ECJ), means that we are not seeking alignment with EU REACH or participation in the European Chemicals Agency”.
But if the UK had accepted that it would accept EU/EEA law in this area (eg the EFTA Court), it might have been possible to remain as a participant in the the EU/EEA regime (with which GB manufacturers will comply anyway, given exports).
Add to the list: “Choices made by the Johnson government that any successor is likely to want to revisit”.
*NI remains part of the EU regime under the protocol: so we are talking about a GB, not a UK, regime.
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This article by Jim Spellar for @LabourList misses the point about why Labour needs to think seriously about constitutional reform - and have a programme for it ready for government.
The state of our constitution is a bit like the state of the neglected electric wiring in an old house. If you are moving into the house, sorting it out is a bit tedious. Couldn’t you spend the time and money on a new sound system?
But if you ignore the wiring, you’ll find that you can’t safely install the new sound system. And your house may well catch fire.
You could call it part of the “great deal” that was the centrepiece of the manifesto on which the party @danielmgmoylan supports, and whose whip he takes, was elected.
Same point applies to @DanielJHannan, whose article (rightly eviscerated by @GavinBarwell here) also fails to mention his support for the said manifesto and “great deal”.
Note too that the issues created by the Irish Sea border would have been less acute if the UK had gone for the broadly Swiss-type arrangements that Hannan supported (and wrote a post-referendum book about) before he decided to cheer-lead the radicalisation of his party.
For Secretaries of State, there’s a general rule that anything they do can be done by a junior minister: look at who signs most statutory instruments made “by the Secretary of State”, and at junior ministers taking eg planning decisions when the incumbent SoS has a conflict.
And of course Carltona: the general principle that civil servants can take decisions in the name of the SoS.
Early day motion on 8 March on the position of UK musicians (those unlucky enough not to have 🇮🇪 passports) in the EU after Brexit. edm.parliament.uk/early-day-moti…