I think one way of looking at the economic pathologies of our society, without using words like 'capitalism' and 'rentiership', is to talk about inequities in the distribution of risk. Some have more taste for risk than others, sure, but risk is not distributed on this basis.
In the UK, so much of our political troubles come from the growth in the landlord class, who if nothing else, wield disproportionate power relative to their social worth: at one and the same time claim to be martyrs to the risk of investment, and demand these risks be minimised.
Of course, it's possible to make claims like this: e.g., nurses have every right to claim that they shoulder not merely more risk than most, but far more risk than is strictly necessary. The pandemic has made this brutally obvious to anyone who has been paying attention.
However one chooses to tally up compensation for this social role, be it financial, social, or some other privilege, it's pretty obvious that every last 'essential worker' is shouldering more societal risk than most non-essential workers compensated far better than they.
The way this trade off gets (implicitly) articulated as 'pay vs. purpose' is one of the enduring insights of @davidgraeber's Bullshit Jobs. Yet there are many essential workers who don't even get the illusion of purpose in compensation for personal risk (e.g., warehouse staff).
By now it's a truism that humans are very, very bad at assessing risks, even and especially when we've constructed elaborate mathematical edifices to rationalise them away (cf. the subprime mortgage crisis that nearly blew up the global economy, from which we're still recovering)
Investment is all about relation between resources and risks, and however you choose to describe the current overall system for managing investments (e.g., 'neoliberal capitalism'), it should be clear that it really isn't working and hasn't worked for several decades at least.
Whether you blame public or private management, there has been a systemic under-investment in research and development and infrastructure since the 80s, as accumulated resources have been channelled into assets and ventures whose risk has been kept artificially low.
Nothing interesting can get done, because the money (which is just a way of accounting for distribution of resources by quantifying privileged access to productive output) keeps flowing downhill into deep pools that governments and financial institutions keep on digging.
Every time there is an overflow and this money floods other sectors of the economy, washing away elements of the market infrastructure that keeps the economy working (e.g., housing), the response is to dig deeper, to double down on cushioning the losses of privileged investors.
This is why (h/t @maradydd) the quantitative easing that's become de rigueur after the 2008 crash is a 'pareto-pessimal' compromise between the Keynesian and Monetarist positions that dominated mainstream economic policy for most of the 20th century.
Attempting to stimulate aggregate demand by controlling the money supply, injecting money at the top of the financial system and hoping it'll enable creation amidst the destruction is a terrible idea when that financial system is systematically skewed against creative investment.
This is precisely because what most people in the City and elsewhere think constitutes 'creative investment' are elaborate hacks that game the system within the bounds set by the current rules, rather than anything to do with reconfiguring the industrial basis of society.
Venture capital is supposed to be the exception here, and I don't wish to dismiss it out of hand, but I believe that the sort of experimentation in 'disruptive' industrial innovations it encourages are more linked to distortions of risk enacted by the financial system than not.
The temptation towards what Kant would call 'enthusiasm', or the irrational flow of feeling driving not just speculative bubbles but stupid investment trends (cf. Juicero) is baked into the game: it is *rational* to follow others' irrational assessments of industrial value.
Pseudo-entrepreneurialism trumps disciplined experimentation all over the place, from tech startups to public research funding, a process accelerated by a plague of bad metrics that function as little more than tools for post-hoc rationalisation (cf. management consultancy).
In essence, since the 70s we've experienced a rapid acceleration of the Peter Principle, a sort of Peter cascade in which people who either don't know or don't care about the shape of the relevant economic risks have been put in charge of balancing resources, risks, and rewards.
"Where's my jetpack?" is the cry of at least two generations who viscerally feel the extent to which the cushioning of economic risks has robbed them of economic rewards. And this is before we get to "Where's my polar bears?" and catastrophic negative externalities.
As I've said before, if you've ever had the alienating impulse that there is an idiot at the wheel of whichever organisation is supposed to take your (risky) labour and turn it into (rewarding) goods/services, you're probably right. There are idiots at nearly every wheel.
The evolution of speculative finance has not resulted in us better understanding risks, because it has been bound up in cultural dynamics which discourage our administrative structures from looking at the sources of these risks, i.e., the integrated technics of the real economy.
And crucially, this is not to dismiss the role of finance. Any leftists nodding along and thinking 'destroy finance, markets, and institute locally planned economies' is not getting the message. Risk cannot be eliminated, only administered, and this is risky by definition.
The same goes for any libertarians nodding along and thinking 'cryptocurrency will replace these institutions and markets will work again', because where there's an integrated economy there will emerge *politicised* financial institutions, and the crypto economy is no different.
Just as Keynesians and Monetarists have achieved a terrible synthesis, the libertarians and socialists that oppose them must achieve a more positive synthesis, integrating their critiques and talking seriously about the bootstrapping revised political economy from the bottom up.
This is already happening to some extent. There are fragments of alternative economic structures already in play, and I'm not talking about cryptocurrencies and DAOs, but quasi-markets and cooperative platforms of various kinds, enabling distributed patronage and investment.
The thing that gives me more economic hope than anything else is looking at the ongoing evolution of crowdfunding and personal business platforms. Done right, crowdfunding is anti-capital. It's direct supply/demand negotiation based on product/service rather than business model.
Product oriented investment is a thing to be coveted, because it bypasses schlerotic systems for managing speculative investment in what will improve people's lives. It's not a panacea by any means, but it's a step in the right direction. Investment by desire as much as design.
But this doesn't address bigger issues about the 'essential' labour and infrastructure upon which anything like markets for things we want rather than merely need are premised: the hard economic work that enables disciplined libidinal play. Crowdfunding healthcare doesn't count.
We need better forms of economic solidarity. Basic guarantees that vitiate charity wherever possible. The collective mitigation of those essential individual risks without which more interesting experiments in living are impossible. Here's to controlled uncertainty (destiny). 🖖

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More from @deontologistics

18 Feb
There are times I wish we could have something like a 'symbolic amnesty' where we just wipe a particular terminological slate clean of connotations so that we can have certain conversations without constantly blundering into excuses to derail them.
Like, it'd be really nice if we could talk openly about the *incredibly tight* ties between governance and finance in countries like the UK without having to be on the defence about accidental associations with accusations of blood libel. It's a discursive minefield.
There's a perennial 'man covered in shit' problem here, where no matter how economically reasoned or anti-racistly seasoned your critiques are there *will* be people who turn up to agree with you dragging flecks of anti-semitic faeces on their shoes, if nothing else.
Read 25 tweets
17 Feb
I think it's worth recognising that death will always divide us. There are deaths that are intensely positive/negative for me that you don't and can't feel in the same way I do. This is a source as much as a symptom of enmity. Yet the only universal enemy is death itself.
When one dances on another's grave, be it literally or performatively, one is inviting those who feel strongly for the dead to hate you. There's no getting around that. It's the price of doing business in the market of mortality, sorrow, and grief.
But all the same, violating a heuristic taboo (e.g., 'don't speak ill of the dead') is a legitimate way of signalling value (e.g., '...unless it's important'). It's a way of saying: 'Look what this fucker made me do! I only stoop this low as a monument to their awfulness.'
Read 11 tweets
17 Feb
Here's a hypothesis I just explained to @mojozozoe that I may as well put out here. DNA is not a map of an organism but a sequence of densely interlinked instructions for constructing one. The Y chromosome provides a very minimal way of modulating this process of construction.
Any attempt to understand (statistical/functional) sexual dimorphism has to begin from this fact, which is made obvious by the size of the Y chromosome relative to not just the X but all the other ones. This has a lot of interesting consequences for thinking about sexuality.
If there's one thing Freud got right about human sexuality it's that it's something that's assembled as the genetic process of constructing an adult organism gets modulated by the social process of producing a (gendered) person. The genesis of sexuality can be *very* extended.
Read 22 tweets
17 Feb
Just listened to this piece () by @jersey_flight about the responsibilities of leftist intellectuals and the ways these responsibilities are all too easily abdicated by academics. It resonates with my own recent critical comments (deontologistics.files.wordpress.com/2021/02/video-…).
Here's a few related threads for anyone interested:

1. A conversation with @OlufemiOTaiwo and @deonteleologist about debate culture and discursive charity:
2. A thread on degenerate 'critique' and the epistemology of ignorance:
Read 4 tweets
17 Feb
'Talent' is a place holder term: a promissory note for some more concrete conception of ability, yet to be articulated. The same might be said of 'electability'. When the Labour right repeats these terms without even trying to cash them out, they're running on intellectual fumes.
It's particularly telling that the one original term they had for Starmer's talent was 'forensic', which by now has been widely and rightly mocked. This is because it shows how incoherent their conception of political communication is.
Corbyn was repeatedly painted as and criticised for not being a man of the people, for being unable to communicate with anyone outside of the metropolitan bubble of urban millennial progressives. There wasn't nothing to these criticisms, but they were mostly performative.
Read 14 tweets
16 Feb
I’m beginning to think that the left has been too obsessed with GDP as a broken economic metric governing the global shitshow, when inflation is more insidious. Deflation may be a more radical demand than degrowth. Burst bubbles. Deflate the price of fossil fuel infrastructure.
It’s amazing just how much political economy is still determined by the threat of stagflation. This has created a weird metonymy in which as long as you’re fight inflation (preserving the interests of (older) savers) you’re also fighting stagnation (supporting (younger) earners).
To some extent the residual fear of deflationary spirals lies behind this, waiting in the wings for any suggestion that stagnation must be fought with deflation. This is entirely understandable, as uncontrolled deflation hits the poorest hardest.
Read 18 tweets

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