1/ Diving into the family-benefit debate, @wellscking and I are out with a new paper and proposal @AmerCompass today: The Family Income Supplemental Credit. We believe this keeps the best of child allowance proposals while addressing their flaws. 🧵americancompass.org/essays/the-fam…
2/ We argue that an effective family benefit should be designed as an expansion of the social compact and a form of social insurance, helping working families face the costs of child-rearing at a time when they are ill-prepared for it financially.
3/ By contrast, we should not consider "just send everyone money" an effective anti-poverty policy for non-working families. It's not the right way to address poverty, and it erodes important economic and social linkages between income and work.
4/ What we propose is conditioning receipt of a per-child income supplement on having worked the prior year, by capping payments at prior year's household earnings. So even a single parent working part-time at minimum wage could typically receive the full benefit.
5/ There are a number of advantages to this design, for instance: it buffers against income shocks like job loss, it rewards marriage, it maintains a safety net for those who cannot work that is oriented toward helping people get back on their feet.
6/ Conceptually, our proposal helps clarify the terms of the debate. Are you against sending money to families, full stop? Do you think everyone should get money unconditionally? Or, like us, do you think there is a balance that can and should be struck?
7/ A great example is @ezraklein's column today, which leads with a single mother taking on a second low-wage job. He implies there are two options: applaud that as ideal, or create a benefit that ignores work entirely. Why are those the choices? nytimes.com/2021/02/18/opi…
8/ We say instead: yes, someone in the household should be working, but if the benefit helps make ends meet, and prevents the need for the single mother to work two jobs, that can be good news too. We should say neither "work or don't, whatever," nor "we just do tax cuts."
9/ This approach delivers on important conservative priorities while also addressing conservative concerns: it doesn't discourage work or encourage dependence, undermine vital safety-net programs, commodify parenting, trample on federalism, or slow growth.
10/ Here's a simple illustration of how this would work: Household had just $4,500 in earnings last year? Benefit can be up to $4,500. And the safety net remains intact to provide myriad additional benefits. Household with three kids and $40K income? Benefit can exceed $15K.
11/ Our paper argues for expanding the social compact for working families, rejects the case for unconditional cash, and provides a detailed policy design that highlights many areas for further discussion. We hope this helps to advance the debate. End. americancompass.org/essays/the-fam…
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Legacy: Rapid economic growth and a return to the debate about reforming entitlements.
Reform: New conservative solutions to new challenges like China, inequality, technology, financialization, which may mean a different role for government.
Policy agenda: (2/5)
Legacy: First, free trade. Second, geographic mobility. Americans have to be willing to get up and move.
Reform: Investment, labor, education. Policies should make the economy work for for people, not demand that people up and change for the economy.
The inaugural @AmerCompass essay series, Rebooting the American System, makes the comprehensive, conservative case for a return to robust national economic policy. This was the American tradition from the Founding, and paid enormous dividends. (1/11) americancompass.org/rebooting-the-…
The series opens with forewords from @marcorubio and @SenTomCotton, who situate the concept in our present context: a once-in-a-century pandemic and a generation-defining contest with China. Both highlight vital national priorities that the market will not address on its own.
Senator Rubio emphasizes the inevitable tradeoff between efficiency and resilience. A market economy geared only toward maximizing the former will inevitably erode the latter, but the nation needs both and public policy must help to strike a balance. americancompass.org/essays/marco-r…
This @wellscking interview with @TenreiroDaniel@NRO crackles with the tensions in conservatism. Wells articulates the @AmerCompass focus brilliantly, but I'm actually most fascinated by the questions, which really bring the status quo to life:
First, the idea that "economic" and "cultural" are two distinct categories and a given problem must be assigned primarily to one or the other.
Second, and relatedly, the idea that decades of economic stagnation and divergence in fortunes isn't a big deal and probably doesn't have a lot of explanatory power because it's not "economic devastation."
Thread (1/16). How is that our economic statistics suggest workers have been making slow but steady progress in recent decades, while popular perception is that their family finances are coming under increasingly untenable pressure? I've been working on this, here's my answer:
2/ Punchline: Popular perception is correct. In 1985, the typical male worker could cover a family of four's major expenditures (housing, health care, transportation, education) on 30 weeks of salary. By 2018 it took 53 weeks. Which is a problem, there being 52 weeks in a year.
3/ Why do our inflation-adjusted data say otherwise? Because inflation does not assess affordability. You don't have to take my word for it. Here's a neat study by Nobel laureate Robert Shiller making the point, as cited by Fed economist Michael Bryan: econintersect.com/b2evolution/bl…
Here's a fascinating illustration of the dead-end that a segment of the right-of-center has driven itself into: refusal to acknowledge that unions and the labor movement had a positive effect on early/mid-century America. 1/5
You can see the logic, I suppose... if we acknowledge that unions did some good, then we'd have to both admit that the "free" labor market was delivering some pretty lousy outcomes and give credit to an actual government policy. 2/5
This is the problem of fundamentalism in whatever form it takes. When strict adherence to some basic set of abstract principles proves incompatible with real world experience, it's the real world that has to be denied. 3/5
The thread you didn't know you needed, on job characteristics... there's an extraordinary level of misunderstanding about what various jobs entail, and what criteria matter. People often seem to think the question can be reduced to "what seems like more fun?" 1/18 [sorry!]
A good example is @betseystevenson's recent tweet, "Children--would you rather teach barre, give therapeutic massage, or assemble screens on a line all day?" accompanied by pictures because she apparently thinks how these jobs _look_ buttresses her case. 2/
My goal is not to pick on Betsey, she was just making a glib point and I know she thinks much more deeply about the topic. But it's illustrative that she thought this was a _good_ glib point and that she (presumably?) expected labor-econ Twitter to approve. 3/