Hope feels like an unsafe emotion lately. Personally and professionally, I don’t want to wax optimistic only to be crushed as deaths rise. Pessimism is safer.
The column was all about the new variants, and the way experts thought we could have a truly hellish period as super-contagious strains exploded before mass vaccination took hold.
But — thankfully — that’s not what happened.
Instead, cases fell and kept falling. They fell in the US, and Europe, and globally. They fell in places with very different policies. They fell in places with vaccines, and places without.
There’s lots of debate about why this is (seasonality, immunity from previous infections, etc), but the point is it happened. In this crucial period, cases levels plummeted.
And the US used the time well.
In the US, vaccination ramped way up. We’ve vaccinated more than half of those 75 and over.
We're on pace for 50% vaccination by mid-May, disproportionately the most vulnerable.
Vaccines will be open to all adults by May. And the vaccines *work*.
It’s extraordinary.
That’s what this podcast with @Ashishkjha is about: Looking at the good news all around us, and the remarkable trends around us, and taking seriously that, in the US at least, there is an end in sight. nytimes.com/2021/03/12/opi…
That means there are some conversations we need to start having that will be tricky: What level of risk are we comfortable with?
The end of this isn’t zero risk. It’s an acceptable level of risk. But what is that? And who decides?
And then: How do we hasten the end of the crisis globally? There are both altruistic and selfish reasons for that — the more global cases, the more potential for dangerous new variants.
But this is one COVID conversation, probably the first I’ve published, that will leave you feeling a lot more hope than despair.
I'm angry about the cut to UI and the absence of *any* minimum wage increase in the bill.
At the same time, I'm ELATED the Child Tax Credit is moving through unscathed, and same for EITC, school infrastructure, state and local aid, $1,400 checks, Obamacare boost...
And then there's the coronavirus funding itself, which is huge. Vaccinations are already above 2m a day. Add in tens of billions for distribution, and $50 billion for a national testing infrastructure, and we could really beat this thing.
I'm open to counterexamples, but this still looks like the most ambitious and progressive economic package Congress has passed in my lifetime. It will do more to cut poverty, and push full employment, than anything else I've covered.
It's going to be hard to change, but I think Cal Newport is right. We've screwed up how we work digitally, adopting a ton of software that promised productivity and delivered distraction. There are huge gains to be made by firms that can find a new way. nytimes.com/2021/03/05/opi…
"We’re at a point now where it’s completely common in a lot of knowledge ware companies that not only do you spend a lot of time doing things like email and meetings, you now spend all of your time doing that, every working hour."
"And actual work has to get done in these hidden second shifts that happen in the morning or happen in the evening, which creates all of these unexpected inequities. I mean, the fact that that is happening now should be alarm bells ringing, but instead, we’re like, 'it’s busy.'"
So I was just on a conference call where Dr. Mark Ghaly, CA's HHS director, explained how the vaccination/covid plan is changing. The short version is:
They're doubling vaccine allocation for communities in the lowest quartile of the Healthy Places Index.
Those communities have 25% of the population, but 40% of deaths/cases.
But they're seeing half the vaccination rates of communities in he top quartile (16% vs 34%).
They're also tying restrictions to vaccination rates.
When they get to 2 million doses in these communities, the threshold for being in the less restricting "red tier" moves from 7 cases per day to 10.
Biden is getting less than half the media attention and search interest Trump did. But he's 10 points higher in the polls, pursuing a far more ambitious agenda, and the Rescue Act is even more popular than he is.
There's something to learn here.
I suspect Biden’s quieter approach to political communication is opening space for bolder bills. His theory seems to be that if you can dial down the conflict, you can dial up the policy.
CPAC was full of debunked election conspiracies, warnings about “cancel culture” and fealty to Donald Trump.
What it was missing was much in the way of policy ideas to raise wages, improve health care or support families.
This is the modern G.O.P.: a post-policy party obsessed with symbolic fights and uninterested in the actual work of governing.
But wouldn't Trump have won if McConnell had passed a final round of stimulus in the fall? Is abandoning governance actually working for Republicans?
I don't think so — it's bad for them, and worse for the country. But the GOP doesn't listen to me. Maybe they'll listen to @RameshPonnuru though: nytimes.com/2021/03/02/opi…
I raged about this at the time but New York's early COVID response was poor. There were better governors and better state policies but the media is based in New York and NYC was a disaster so Cuomo's news conferences got media attention no other governor could touch.
Cuomo wasn't uniquely ahead-of-the-curve on COVID and so got lionized, and now is falling from grace. It was always a weird convergence of where the media was and where he was, and it overwhelmed the obvious, even then, fact that he wasn't the right protagonist for this story.
(And also Cuomo had a known national name, and a brother with a CNN show. That helped, too. )