You know what I hate? The insistence that US asylum system was born after WWII. THE US DIDN’T SIGN UN REFUGEE CONVENTION IN 1952. US had an ad hoc refugee program till 1980. It would be generous to say asylum was born AT THE BORDER w/ 1980 Refugee Act. It’s been a struggle since.
I say this as a Jew whose paternal grandparents came to the US as displaced persons after WWII in one of the resettlement programs Congress established for discrete populations. US border with Mexico and the Western Hemisphere in general have been treated differently.
And this trade off of security at the border for immigration reform affecting people already here has been a toxic part of our politics since the 1980s and it’s time to let go. It hasn’t led to compromise or progress.
The reason the UN convention is so important is because it includes the obligation of non-refoulement — the idea that you cannot expel people who arrive at the border to persecution. That obligation is key to asylum at the border.
In the 1980s, asylum policy— which was not supposed to be geopolitical or geographical— was skewed such that Guatemalans and Salvadorans barely ever qualified. Since Cold War ended, deterrence started such that policies were geared toward keeping people from making it to border.
Meanwhile, most legislation since 1980s has traded border security for legal immigration and had made it harder to get a fair hearing on an asylum claim (eliminating federal court review) and made it harder to prove eligibility (raising credibility and evidentiary requirements).
I wrote a dissertation on the century-long pre-1980 asylum system in US that will soon be a book. Since finishing, I’ve added a chapter on the border b/k it’s a whole other thing! US protection for those claiming to be refugees has a long, varied, complex history.
My grandparents barely survived—and couldn’t get visas to escape to the US. They were resettled after the fact. Asylum is different— it is to protect people already in the US or arriving at the border. Both it and resettlement are crucial but distinct forms of protection.
This is also why arguments about the US not being able to resettle refugees from oversees because we have to deal with asylum seekers are just hogwash.
Last, it’s same refugee standard one has to meet to be resettled or granted asylum— well founded fear of persecution based on race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership in political social group. But, again, processes are distinct. And we need to do both.
Actually, a few last points. If the US, for the first time, increased resettlement of Central Americans, it could slowly shift the balance towards more people coming through that route than asylum. But
The it will take time and, also, the refugee standard was created in 1951 and in a very different context.
Also, because we haven’t wanted to face this refugee issue squarely for years, we set up a whole separate protection system JUST for kids, not adults or families.
Last: there are also asylum seekers at the border from Mexico and from Africa, Asia, Middle East, Eastern Europe, Cuba and Haiti. Conflict in those places, COVID-19, the closing off of Europe to refugees, US relations with countries— all need to be addressed head on.
I got a little off track from the Zakaria piece, which is flawed in many ways. It pits asylum seekers and unaccompanied kids against those trying to unite with family. They are not really different groups.
Also, conflates public opinion towards immigration with fact that it declines during Trump administration. That makes no sense since policies the public oppose created that decline and there is broad popular support for increased immigration and legalization.
There really isn’t a “line” for folks in Central America to get on. If we create some of those lines, eventually, we can take some strain off the asylum system. Bottom line is that the problems Zakaria discusses are complicated and far from new and need many new approaches.
TYPO! Particular social group!!!
Alerting all reading this thread there is a typo—in the refugee definition— I meant to write “particular social group.”
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You'd think, given this has been going on for a decade, policy makers would not be surprised. It's been pretty consistently large migration flow for many years. Something we should plan for and accept. Period.
The flow started EARLIER than MPI tracks. And led to a major shift in the way that the UNHCR approached migration in the hemisphere. This was YEARS AGO. unhcr.org/en-us/children…
Remember Enrique's Journey? A hugely important book, published back in 2007! Or the scholarship of Jacqueline Bhabha, who has been tracking the rise in child refugees all over the world for over a decade.
Part of what this video shows is that family separation is not merely a product of "zero tolerance." Mirna's family traveled together. But they were separated because of an insistence by DHS on keeping someone detained (Mirna's husband) as a "deterrent."
Short thread: When I started doing historical research on immigration, I was SHOCKED that only a small number of precedent BIA decisions are available to the public in volumes published since 1940. This decisions orders release of non-precedent decisions back to 1996.
There is no library open to public where a scholar like me can go find BIA unpublished decisions from the 1960s, 1970s or 1980s, for example, which would really help to understand the history of the evolution of immigration law (beyond merely legislative history).
Further, unpublished BIA decisions have not been deemed important enough for the National Archives to keep permanently. Ones from 50 years ago have likely already been destroyed. THIS IS ABSOLUTELY OUTRAGEOUS.
Here are 10 questions I'm loosing sleep over regarding asylum at the border:
1) What process will the Biden administration put in place to help those who are already in MPP and have been waiting in danger in Mexico for a long time? Will it use parole for those with pending cases? What of those ordered removed and deported in abstentia?
2) Will the administration lift or change the CDC order so that asylum seekers can seek protection at the border?
3) If yes, will it rely on metering? Will it rely on swift screening that does not provide adequate due process? Will it shift away from detention?
Finally finished reading The President and Immigration Law. Of course agree all immigration policy is not fulfillment of Congressional will. But disagree thatCongressional intent is always too hard to discern--especially when it comes too the Refugee Act of 1980.
Fact of the matter is: Immigration policy starting in 1981 consistently ignored a very clear Congressional mandate: don't prevent people from seeking asylum.
Is the INA complicated: yes. But, to my mind, the way the 1996 law took away court review and gave more discretion to the executive has made things much worse.
"The Trump administration’s legal efforts have only intensified, with nearly 40 new eminent domain lawsuits filed in the Southern District of Texas since Election Day."
!!!!
Historians need to delve into this! "CBP’s toughest fights over eminent domain center on Starr County...where family properties date back to original Spanish land grants issued 250 years ago, well before the Rio Grande served as an international boundary."