Per this chart I made this week, of Senate seats that changed parties 2009 to 2021, Dems had more than a dozen in R-states. Survival strategy for most was to create distance from party & liberal-sounding policies. (2) citizencohn.substack.com/p/one-reason-2…
Here's what Phil Schiliro, who was director of legislative strategy at the White House under Obama, told me for @HuffPost article on this. (Similar quotes in my book on the ACA.)
To be clear, whether Obama administration could/should have opened w/a higher bid on stimulus is a separate question. For that, I defer to @MikeGrunwald & @noamscheiber & their excellent books, which are worth revisiting now. (4)
Latest from @adamcancryn on the internal Biden administration debate over an FDA commissioner, and concerns that Janet Woodcock is too close/sympathetic to pharmaceutical industry.
In 2009, when E&C Committee was writing its version of what became the the Affordable Care Act, Eshoo pushed to give biologics a longer "exclusivity" period.
Chairman Henry Waxman, who thought it was a giveaway to industry, opposed that strongly. Eshoo prevailed. (2)
As legislation moved through Congress, Waxman kept fighting to reduce that period. So did Obama, who agreed w/Waxman and was really worked up about it.
This exchange in particular deserves emphasis -- i.e., how the difficulty isn't any one thing.
So it's not supply or distribution. It's supply *and* distribution. With a different situation in every community. And conditions that will change with time.
Biden's strategy reflects this. It's got many small parts, no single one of which is a game-changer. But together they add up.
Or, at least, we hope they add up. The test will be execution.
One thing to put these ideas on a piece of paper. Another to put them into action.