I want to take a few minutes to respond to statements made by Max Roser, the director of OWID. I hope this will be helpful and constructive for all involved.
First, I want to apologize for having hurt Roser’s feelings. I could have chosen more diplomatic language at times, and I will take better care in the future. I also want to make it clear that my disagreement with him is not personal. It is empirical.
OWID is a valuable site, and we all appreciate the data they’ve made available. But it is also a powerful media platform, with powerful funders. It sets public narratives, which we should be able to critique if warranted on empirical grounds.
One of those narratives has to do with global poverty, based on a particular graph that Gates, Pinker and several think tanks have politicized over the past few years.
The main problem with the graph is that it presents a simple story to the public that flattens significant empirical debates among academics. A number of critiques have been made in the past. I have drawn attention to two in particular:
First, the pre-1981 trend is based on GDP data that is not useful for assessing poverty, because (unlike World Bank household surveys) it does not adequately capture changes in household consumption from subsistence and commons.
This is a problem, because during periods of dispossession and enclosure, such as under colonialism and early industrialization from 1500 on, GDP may increase even while people’s access to subsistence and commons is severely constrained.
Roser is correct that framing this as a matter of commodity vs non-commodity production is overly generalizing. The problem is more complex than that. Here is some of what’s at stake:
globalpolicyjournal.com/blog/11/02/201…
Recent scholarship raises several other issues that create discrepancies between measurements that rely on GDP data and measurements that assess poverty more directly. This casts the the historical trend into question: 1lib.uk/book/11926264/…
I've argued that, in general, poverty likely worsened during periods of enclosure and colonization, and declined with the rise of labour movements, democracy and decolonization. Unfortunately, this complexity tends to get obscured in the dominant narrative.
The second problem has to do with the period from 1981, when the World Bank’s poverty data begins. Relying on a threshold of $1.90 per day gives the impression of extraordinary progress against poverty when the reality is not so rosy.
The $1.90 line is useful for some purposes, but the empirical literature is clear that this amount of money is not adequate for basic nutrition, much less meeting other essential needs. ohchr.org/EN/Issues/Pove…
We know that people need closer to $7.40/day in order to achieve decent nutrition and health. The number of people living under this line is higher today than in 1981, and the decline in the poverty ratio has been inadequate. We have to face up to this reality.
Noah Smith tries to claim that we don’t acknowledge incomes rising over low thresholds. In fact we do (see link). The point is that it’s not enough to lift most people out of actual poverty: cgdev.org/blog/12-things…
This is not controversial. In fact, Roser and I agree on this. Aside from the Gates graph, he and OWID have developed excellent visualizations showing various poverty lines, with results in relative and absolute terms.
As for Smith’s points about industrial policy: I agree with many of them (!), although with a few important differences. I will write a post on this later, on the role of industrial policy in achieving progress in the 21st century.
The point is that poverty persists. Half of humanity lives on an average of $3.38/day. This is not an accident; it is the result of an economic system that still systematically exploits the lands and bodies of the South for the enrichment of the North.
My critiques of the OWID graph have never been intended as personal attacks on Roser. I have mentioned him as the creator of the graph, and quoted his claims, but my arguments have been focused on empirical matters. I have nothing against him as a person.
When we’ve corresponded, I’ve affirmed that this is not personal – that I appreciate OWID and Roser’s broader contributions, and that this is a question about one prominent graph among hundreds that OWID has published.
Roser objects to a headline the Guardian used for my work: I absolutely agree with him – it was far too simplistic. I didn’t choose the headline, and I asked them to change it. I regret that this contributed to unnecessary polarization.
In the text of that article, I used the phrase “completely wrong”. I want to emphasize that this was not in reference to Roser’s graph, but rather to the broader narrative that Gates and Pinker have constructed about the global economy.
I have also raised questions about how best to approach inequality narratives, in a post based on OWID’s gini data. A tweet by Roser led to a conversation about methods with a colleague and one of OWID’s staff researchers.
The post discusses how absolute and relative analyses yield divergent inequality trends. I framed it with respect to Roser’s tweet, but the initial title was ill-considered. It was a mistake, and I rectified it shortly afterward (and have now also fixed the URL accordingly).
These issues are clearly highly politicized, and the online discussion has become toxic. Ever since I raised questions about the Gates-Pinker narrative, I have received regular hate mail. This escalated after Roser’s post. Neither of us deserves this.
There are legitimate empirical questions and we need room for debate, without ad hominem attacks. Disagreements are normal in academia, and we have a responsibility to deal with these professionally moving forward.
On the upside, while this conversation has generated a lot of heat, there has also been some light. We’ve all learned new things from each other. I hope we can build on that going forward, collaboratively where possible.
Finally, I want to make it very clear that while I may disagree with one or two of OWID’s narrative lines, this has nothing to do with OWID’s researchers. Research is a difficult and often thankless job. They should be applauded for the work they do.

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More from @jasonhickel

11 Apr
David Graeber wrote this beautiful little essay shortly before he died. It reads like a final wish. "When this crisis is over, let's promise to create an economy that lets us actually take care of the people who are taking care of us." jacobinmag.com/2021/03/david-…
"The actual reality of human life is that we are a collection of fragile beings taking care of one another, and that those who do the lion’s share of this care work that keeps us alive are overtaxed, underpaid, and daily humiliated..."
"Why don’t we stop treating it as normal that the more obviously one’s work benefits others, the less one is likely to be paid for it; or insisting that financial markets are the best way to direct investment even as they are propelling us to destroy most life on Earth?"
Read 5 tweets
3 Apr
Most people don't realise this, but the majority of high-income nations have already significantly exceeded their fair share of the carbon budget for 2 degrees. Their "zero by 2050" targets are therefore woefully inadequate.
This chart is based on emissions data from 1850 to 2015, with consumption-based emissions from 1970 onward.
In order to represent any modicum of fairness or justice, the objective in rich nations needs to be zero as soon as is technically feasible, including by scaling down energy demand so decarbonization can be done more quickly.
Read 7 tweets
1 Apr
For every $1 of aid the global South receives, they lose $14 through unequal exchange with the North. Poor countries are developing rich countries, not the other way around.
Here is the research: tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.10… (and here is a free PDF: jasonhickel.org/s/Hickel-et-al…)
These results indicate that charity is not an effective mechanism for development or poverty reduction. What the South needs is fairer wages for their labour and fairer prices for their resources, on which the global economy depends.
Read 4 tweets
31 Mar
This is a wildly incorrect take. To claim that post-growth research is somehow against development in the global South is false, as would be clear from even a cursory reading of the literature.
Degrowth critiques are specifically directed at high levels of energy and resource use in the global North, which are vastly in excess of human need and entail ecological damage that harms the South disproportionately.
Read 4 tweets
31 Mar
I had the privilege of reading an advance copy of this book by Max Ajl, which is out in May. I highly recommend it. It's hands down the most compelling, most radical take yet on the Green New Deal. Pre-order the book here and follow @maxajl. plutobooks.com/9780745341750/…
"Courageous, bold, refreshing - Max Ajl pushes the horizons of progressive thought and envisions an ecosocialist transition that is rooted in principles of global justice. The struggle against climate breakdown is ultimately a struggle against the forces of colonization..."
"...If we are not attentive to this fact, then we have missed the point."
Read 5 tweets
31 Mar
I'm thrilled about this new paper, which is our tribute to Samir Amin. We estimate drain from the global South through unequal exchange, and find that it totaled $62 trillion over the period 1960-2018, or $152 trillion accounting for lost growth. Thread: tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.10…
In 2018, the the global North (here we use the IMF's ‘advanced economies’ category) appropriated drain from the South worth $2.2 trillion — enough to end extreme poverty 15 times over.
Over the past few years, drain from the global South has outstripped the flow of aid by a factor of 14. In other words, for every $1 the South receives in aid it loses $14 through unequal exchange.
Read 7 tweets

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