Strongly recommend this article on English devolution by a team including @DianeCoyle1859. onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.11…
The introduction sums up the problem.
For those at the back who think that constitutional reform is a luxury a Labour government shouldn’t bother with - note that the root problem is a constitutional problem. For the reasons set out in the paragraphs above.
Here is an incisive analysis of why the current Conservative government’s approach to English devolution since 2010 has failed: they just can’t let go.
The dangers of the “bid culture” to which the current government is so wedded. At best, local government is forced into delivering the latest whizzo idea to roost in ministers’ heads: and at worst, dancing on the edge of corruption.
Absolutely: -
What can we expect from the current government? Well, @michaelgove, in his Ditchley Park speech, identified a problem of “distant government”. So, you’d think, the Cabinet’s philosopher and radical reformer would propose serious and detailed plans for greater devolution.
🎺 🎺 🥁 🥁
... here we are:
... er ... that’s it.
The reality is that the current government’s obsession with centralising power in its own hands, and with attacking every institution that could stand in its way, preclude it from doing the most important thing that needs to be done if “levelling up” is to be achieved.
That thing is strengthening local government: giving it a secure fiscal base of its own and constitutional protection against the constant centralising instincts of Whitehall and Westminster.

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More from @GeorgePeretzQC

10 Apr
I don’t think that it’s a question of the “left” having forgotten basic principles. But there is an important point buried in @giles_fraser’s piece about the way in which those who support constitutional checks on executive power/human rights protection frame their discourse.
At a technical level, Magna Carta is mostly no longer law (though the bit Giles quoted still is) and even those bits of it that are law have uncertain legal effect.
It is also far from what anyone would now regard as an adequate statement of limits on executive power: nothing on speech, family life, assembly, freedom of religion (protecting the rights of the C of E excepted)... But lots on arcane property rights (fish weirs...)
Read 15 tweets
7 Apr
Lots of good questions here as to what joining the CPTPP would actually mean for the UK. Talking about “new opportunities” and “forging a leadership position” in world trade is all very well: but we need to be hard-headed on both risks and opportunities.
It is important that the current government is clear in its own mind and frank with Parliament about both opportunities and risks: and that its detailed negotiating mandate is put up for consultation, debate, and Parliamentary approval.
Read 5 tweets
2 Apr
I might need to think twice about my opposition to penalising blasphemy.
Note: more seriously, I don’t think that trying to associate the central event of Christianity with the currently ruling political party would have been caught by the old blasphemy law: but its gross offensiveness and arrogance - and the fact that it is still up - speaks volumes.
However, we may not need a law on blasphemy.
Read 4 tweets
30 Mar
In an earlier thread, I looked at how one might strengthen accountability.
But let’s look at the current government’s attitude to accountability, to see where the dangers lie.
Read 17 tweets
30 Mar
David has identified the problem. The point, however, is to deal with it.
What could we do to improve things? Some parts of our system work well. @CommonsPAC - backed by the National Audit Office - is feared by Ministers and Whitehall. “What would the PAC say about that?” is still a useful and salutary question.
Strengthening Select Committees; giving them more resources and staff; making chairing one a real goal of an ambitious MP wanting to change things and make their mark (better than being a minister) - all important. And to some extent happening.
Read 10 tweets
26 Mar
Fascinating judgment on compatibility of COVID regulations requiring closure of places of worship with Article 9 ECHR and Scots constitutional law. scotcourts.gov.uk/docs/default-s…
Points which struck me: the judge (IMO rightly) dismissed the “but you can worship anywhere” argument, noting the emphasis that most Christian churches place on collective worship and (esp in the Catholic tradition) sacramental aspects of worship that can’t be replicated on line.
The other point was the finding that Scots constitutional law imposes a limitation on the powers *of the U.K. Parliament* (and therefore the Scottish Parliament) to interfere with worship - dating back to the 1592 doctrine of the “twa kingdoms”.
Read 5 tweets

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