Darren Byler Profile picture
Apr 29, 2021 13 tweets 6 min read Read on X
Thread: This report analyzes 1000s of unredacted, detailed internal police files from Urumchi in 2018-2019. Part of a dataset maintained by a state contractor named Landasoft, built using Oracle software and obtained by @theintercept. theintercept.com/2021/01/29/chi…
Finding 1. Reports from the Mobile Police Network of the Urumchi Public Security Bureau from 2018-2019 skewed dramatically toward Muslims. More than 84% of reports focused on Muslim minorities. Only 16% focused exclusively on the Han population, which make up 71% of the city.
Finding 2: Surveillance infrastructure is used to captures Muslim social institutions. Dozens of reports indicate imams have been detained. While some mosques remains open, the number of people who entered one mosque to pray during the first 4 months of 2018 had dropped by 96.52%
...as compared to 2017 when 80,211 people attended the mosque to pray. There are 167 elderly attendees who remain.The so-called "success" in haulting Islamic activity stem from a number of factors: 1. Demolition of Uyghur homes
2. Consciousness raising of the “deextremification”
3. Real-name face-recognition checkpoint system at mosque entrance
4. Banishment of migrants from the city to southern Xinjiang
5. Drop in the “actual population” of the district due to detentions of former attendees

(Image at mosque entrance in Urumchi by @j_smithfinley )
6. Religious people are afraid to pray in the mosque because they “have been told that those who enter the mosque more than 200 times will be sent to ‘education’”—the widely used euphemism for the detention camp system. Other reports state, many sent to this camp in Dabancheng.
7. The police also reported that they discovered no instances of people conducting “illegal” prayers at home or in any other unauthorized place—another violation that can result in detention. Illegalized books have been siezed.
Finding 3: The system depends on human labor. Much of this system is implemented by Ministry of Civil Affairs workers in neighborhood watch units (社区), and police assistants (协警) acting as proxies for the state/and surveillance system. Around 90,000 new security personnel.
Finding 4: Political ideology is a key feature. Flag raising ceremonies & political education is an important component. Weekly flag raising. Watching movies such as Operation Red Sea, building counter-terrorism fervour.
variety.com/2018/film/asia…
Finding 5: State coercion implemented through nested systems of surveillance, monitoring of intelligence quotas, of deviance, or being "two faced" are mentioned over and over. Around 73% of Muslim adults assessed in a given week in one neighborhood.
thediplomat.com/2018/10/turn-i…
Implications: aspects of these system already widespread. But lack of checkpoints & mass police force means it will be difficult to implement in other spaces in China. Most systems are used for deterrence and political control rather than social transformation in other locations.
Data-intensive technology-led policing creates its own reality. It means ignoring all of the noise that doesn’t fit the parameters of the system. The criminalization of normative social behavior and social institutions of disfavored, illegalized populations is normalized.
The black box effect prevents critical thinking and establishes standard operating procedure. When combined with a reserve of data police, racialized ideology, and authoritarian statecraft it produces intimate forms of cruelty that transcend scale. END

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More from @dtbyler

Dec 30, 2020
Thread: Over the past six months I’ve been pouring over a “safe city” feasibility study recovered by @MareikeOhlberg & Jessica Batke. It provides a detailed analysis of what surveillance platforms are designed to do in Xinjiang. chinafile.com/library/report…
2. This particular proposed system centered around a Megvii algorithm called Face++. The system would use a base data set collected from the entire population within its jurisdiction, to place people on particular watch lists.
chinafile.com/extensive-surv…
3. It would use face-recognition cameras in high-traffic areas and mosques, checkpoints, surveillance hubs and shequ (社区) monitoring centers, to automate the detection of movement. It would become more & more precise over time as it collected more & more data on each person.
Read 16 tweets
Nov 18, 2020
Excellent overview from @JimMillward & @RianThum of the dispossession, institutional capture, & domination of Uyghur society, which together build a new frontier of global capitalism & state power. CC: @BeijingPalmer @niubi
The structural antagonisms in Xinjiang cannot be understood outside of a drive for natural resources and commodity crops as China becomes manufacturer for the world. livingotherwise.com/2019/07/22/ada…
My current work (Terror Capitalism [Duke U. Press 2021]) builds on this. It shows that the current reeducation system builds on this older material process of dispossession to generate capital in three interconnected ways.
Read 8 tweets
Sep 12, 2020
Mini-thread on the 19 year history of the discourse of Muslim terrorism in China.

Exactly 1 month after 9/11 the discourse of Muslim-exclusive "terrorism" entered China for the first time--attaching an American form of Islamophobia to Uyghurs.
1. It was on this date 19 years ago on October 11, 2001, that “East Turkestan terrorist” was used by Chinese officials for the first time in a public news conference. tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.108…
2. Three months later in January 2002 PRC State Council Information Office issued public report that revised the past history of Uyghur civil protest and political violence by changing the mislabel of "separatism" to the mislabel of "terrorism." china.org.cn/english/2002/J…
Read 7 tweets
Sep 10, 2020
While Han migrants from outside of Xinjiang were encouraged to move to Xinjiang, Uyghur migrants were viewed as needing to be “transformed” through “legal education” and “training”—all euphemisms used to describe the "reeducation camps." livingotherwise.com/2020/09/10/the…
According to Chinese government data, as of 2015 there were officially close to 2.1 million migrants. archive.fo/nZIaU Out of this “floating population,” around 75 percent (1,461,238) were from outside of Xinjiang. c.m.163.com/news/a/FK7R622…
Since 2014 and the introduction of a “People’s Convenience Card” passbook system that required all Xinjiang residents to return to their place of registration, fewer and fewer of this population came from the ethnic minority population inside Xinjiang. economist.com/china/2016/09/…
Read 9 tweets
Aug 6, 2020
Thread on the way institutions in Xinjiang were shaped around Han migrant needs (and often both intentionally and unintentionally excluded Uyghurs). Something I discussed briefly in this @ttsgpod episode: goodbye.substack.com/p/darren-byler…
1. Drawing on a number of interviews conducted between 2014 and 2020 I should how the police, the schools, the hospitals, the stores centered around supporting Han desires for a "bright future," which gave them a sense of prestige, often for the first time in their lives.
2. I also observed how Han proprietors would refuse service to Uyghurs and would threaten to have them arrested if they demanded to be treated as equals. How entering an institution felt like an encounter filled with questions: Who are you? What are you doing here?
Read 11 tweets
Jul 23, 2020
When it comes to the allies and actions leftist Uyghurs might want, it depends a lot on the social positions of the people involved. I agree with a lot of what the OP says, but agree with @NDLoubere that the co-construct of capitalism-colonialism must always be refused.
I also find the OPs view of left action problematic in its erasure of Uyghur voices. In the years of fieldwork I did in the Uyghur region I have not found evidence to support the OPs claim that Uyghurs overwhelmingly view themselves as East Turkistani & loath the Chinese state.
Very few saw opposing China and establishing the nation state of East Turkistan as an intentional objective or life goal. The vast majority of Uyghurs I’ve interviewed were, however, concerned with basic human and civil rights protections.
Read 15 tweets

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