2/ Here for example is the campaign of Anakpawis in Mindanao. Note that Anakpawis rep Ayik Casilao is leading a Duterte fistbump during the campaign.
3/ Here is campaign truck of Bayan Muna and Anakpawis campaigning for Neri Colmenares and Duterte.
4/ Here is Anakpawis rep Ayik Casilao confirming how he voted on Facebook. Duterte.
5/ Here is Bayan Muna rep Carlos Zarate publicly signing a statement pledging his "full support to President Duterte."
6/ And here, just in case anyone forgets, is Joma Sison and leading figures of the NDFP and CPP, along with Casilao, posing with the Duterte fist-bump in Oslo in 2016.
7/ The "tactical alliance" of which you speak originated long before Duterte ever campaigned for President. It originated in support for him as mayor of Davao. He was welcomed on stage at CPP rallies. Here he is speaking at the wake of Leoncio Pitao in 2015.
8/ This alliance involved open support for the war on drugs. Anakbayan sec gen Einstein Recedes wrote, "We believe that Duterte's campaign against dangerous drugs & crime is a boon to the poor."
9/ Both the CPP and the national democratic organizations have attempted to bury their support for Duterte beneath lies and disavowals. Their refusal to deal honestly with their own past demonstrates that they will do this again.
10/ If you want clearer evidence of how Makabayan actively campaigned to make Duterte president, here are photos from Neri Colmenares' senatorial campaign.
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On the 39th anniversary of the EDSA People Power revolution, the question that must be answered is how is it possible that the criminals responsible for the Marcos dictatorship have been rehabilitated and restored to political power? 1/
The People Power revolution was a political success but a social failure. I explained this idea in a brief video from 2022. 2/
I expanded on this idea in an interview with @IanEsguerra in February 2023. 3/
My exchanges with @natoreyes and @teddycasino over the past two days regarding the history of Bayan’s support for Duterte have, I believe, been instructive. A stock-taking is in order. What have we learned?
Three lessons stand out.
A thread. 1/
First – the national democratic groups are founded upon and sustain themselves with lies.
There is no moment in their history of which they can give an honest account. They lie about support of Arroyo, for Villar, for Duterte, they lie about campaigning w/ Bongbong Marcos. 2/
Most people are no longer convinced by the natdem lies, but Bayan has no other recourse. For Bayan to be honest would require that they confess to an immense political crime. 3/
.@natoreyes claims that Bayan never enabled Duterte, but we all saw them do it.
Bayan leaders lie to their members and claim to have engaged in self-criticism over their support for Duterte, then they lie to the public and claim they never enabled Duterte.
One of the lies Reyes tells is that BAYAN only supported Duterte's "positive pronouncements." He does not say what parts of the Duterte regime were positive, but let us focus on the murderous war on drugs.
Did Bayan and other natdem orgs support Duterte's war on drugs? Yes. 2/
To be clear the murderous character of this war was apparent even before Duterte took office. He boasted of a 100,000 dead bodies floating in Manila Bay. In the month after his election but before he was President, the police, already emboldened, began killing hundreds. 3/
I regularly came across Nepomuceno in my archival research for The Drama of Dictatorship and he makes a walk-on appearance in my book at several points. 2/ cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/978150177…
Willie Nepomuceno took part in the famed Diliman Commune of February 1971. When the barricades were lifted, Nepomuceno, who was a member of the UP Student Council, voted in defense of the commune behind the leadership of Ericson Baculinao in a bill sponsored by Sonny Coloma. 3/
Yes, there are other factors, many of far greater objective weight.
But in a revolutionary situation it is the subjective factor -- revolutionary leadership -- that is decisive. This is why the CPP has played such a critical role. 1/
The central question in a revolutionary situation such as February 1986 is this: will the working class fight for its own political interests, will it take up the perspective of socialism?
Here the intervention of the revolutionary party is decisive. 2/
All of the other actors have their own interests, hostile to the working class -- factions of the military, Marcos' cronies, the fractious bourgeois opposition rallied behind Aquino, the hierarchy of the Catholic church. 3/
A year ago today, I wrote an assessment on the WSWS of the election of Marcos. Published the day after the election, it is a historically detailed explanation for the return of the Marcoses.
Marcos' election, I wrote, was part of the "death rattle of democracy." 1/
"The outcome is a result of the impact of US imperialism on the country’s history expressed in a concentrated form under the conditions of the current global crisis of capitalist rule." 2/ wsws.org/en/articles/20…
"The postcolonial Philippines was a country of two democracies—the democratic tradition of the masses and the formal parliamentary institutions of the elite—with no organic, historic connection between them whatsoever." 3/ wsws.org/en/articles/20…