Andreas Fulda 🇺🇦 🇹🇼 Profile picture
May 17, 2021 18 tweets 6 min read Read on X
Have you ever wondered how the Chinese Communist Party's censorship regime works at home and abroad? What follows is a short thread 🧵 /1
The CCP's sharp power works with the help of the *simultaneous* use of carrots and sticks. In my book "The Struggle for Democracy in Mainland China, Taiwan and Hong Kong" I called the carrots rule by bribery and the sticks rule by fear /2
A key instrument is the psychological warfare technique of ‘decomposition’ (Zersetzung) against domestic and international opponents of the regime /3
The CCP's threatening posture leads to imagined and / or realistic fear among members of the target audience. The result is individual and institutional self-censorship. Why is self-censorship so corrosive? /4
People start worrying about upsetting Chinese partner organisations / funders; fear putting colleagues / family / friends in China at risk; and / or fear losing access to China. Such conflict avoidance means that individuals are afraid to ‘live in truth’ (Václav Havel) /5
Another outcome of censorship is enforced silence. Open discourse about China is seen as a dangerous act. Victims of CCP censorship need to justify silence to avoid cognitive dissonance. And those who do not want to be silent are likely to feel guilty (internal dilemma) /6
Yet there are also those who want to continue to collaborate with “official China” regardless of the political limitations. When there are no red lines to such an unconditional engagement, however, we can observe highly problematic coping strategies /7
Coping strategy 1: Wilfully playing down valid empirical evidence in order to appease Chinese authorities /8
Coping strategy 2: An alternative excuse is claim to discuss sensitive issues behind ‘closed doors’ only /9
Coping strategy 3: Fig leaf events to appease one's conscience /10
Ultimately, the political and psychological costs of the CCP's censorship are enormous /11
It leads to the open or tacit support for ‘official China’ (represented by the party-state) and the marginalisation of ‘unofficial China’ (by which I mean Chinese citizens who seek autonomy from the CCP and who no longer accept its rule by fear) /12
Acceptance of the CCP's censorship normalises the Chinese party-state /13
There is subsequently also no empathy and no solidarity with the many victims of CCP rule /14
Acceptance of the CCP's political censorship also leads to a denial of the values of one’s own socialisation process and the lowering of one’s own standards /15
And another impact of not mounting any resistance to political censorship is that one loses the respect of the Chinese Communist Party, which leads to an encouragement for even more aggressive behaviour /16
To a certain extent we are all victims of the CCP's totalitarian rule. But we don't have to accept this predicament. I firmly believe that we can overcome political censorship through solidarity and collective action /17
Did I perhaps overlook some important aspects related to the phenomenon of the CCP's censorship regime? Do you agree or disagree? What can we do beyond standing in solidarity with one another to overcome CCP censorship? Your comments and reflections are most welcome /End

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More from @AMFChina

May 16
Strategic blindness in Germany’s approach to China has led to mounting costs in terms of national sovereignty, economic independence and civil liberties. Learn how entanglement with China erodes Germany's strategic autonomy. A short 🧵/1 rusi.org/explore-our-re…
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May 2
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On the other hand we have a motley crew of independent-minded parliamentarians, journalists & analysts, who would like to see a more principled and assertive German China policy. Thus far the silverbacks are winning. How can we bring about policy change under such conditions? /2
In my newest book "Germany and China: How Entanglement Undermines Freedom, Prosperity and Security" (Bloomsbury, 2024) 📖🇩🇪🇨🇳 I have outlined my theory of change (TOC) /3
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Apr 29
On 14 March 2024 the Centre for Finance and Security at @RUSI_org, in partnership with SOC ACE, organised a workshop on the threats faced by 🇩🇪 and 🇬🇧 from hostile state actors. What follows is a short 🧵 with key takeaways from the conference report /1 rusi.org/explore-our-re…
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The workshop brought together experts, academics, policymakers from Germany and the UK, private sector representatives, and civil society members /2
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Apr 27
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🇨🇳 Einmischung in 🇩🇪 ist schon länger auf der Agenda. Der Fokus liegt aber meist auf bestechliche Politiker. Journalisten haben mir erklärt, dass sich Leser nicht für von Peking kultivierte 🇩🇪 Eliten in Wirtschaft und Wissenschaft interessieren, da sie nicht sehr bekannt seien /2
Die China-Debatte ist stark durch Personen mit Agenda geprägt, wobei nicht immer klar ist, ob aufgeklärte 🇩🇪 Interessen oder die der 🇨🇳 Partei vertreten werden. Es darf uns aber nicht egal sein, wenn von Peking kultivierte 🇩🇪 Eliten unseren Chinadiskurs so stark prägen /3
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Apr 17
Herr @Ischinger stellt auf Twitter gerne Fragen, die er beantwortet haben möchte. Wenn er aber gefragt wird, soll man seine Position aus Veröffentlichungen rekonstruieren. Schauen wir uns also mal seine Unterstützung für Scholz an & befassen uns dann mit seiner China-Expertise /1
n-tv berichtet zur Maischberger-Runde das @ischinger letzte Woche in 🇨🇳 war, womöglich um @Bundeskanzler Scholz bei der Organisation einer Friedenskonferenz zu 🇺🇦 mit Beteiligung von 🇨🇳 und 🇷🇺 in der 🇨🇭im Juni zu unterstützen /2 n-tv.de/politik/Ischin…
@ischinger @Bundeskanzler Das erklärt jetzt auch, warum @ischinger allergisch auf Kritik reagiert, z.B. wenn man die Eignung Xi Jinpings 🇨🇳 als Friedensvermittler zwischen 🇷🇺 und 🇺🇦 in Frage stellt /3
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Read 9 tweets
Apr 16
A @Tagesspiegel report suggests that @Bundeskanzler Scholz still believes in the falsified Steinmeier doctrine of 'Rapprochement through interweaving'. According to this foreign policy paradigm, economic ties with autocracies lead to mutual dependency and stability. A short 🧵/1

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In my forthcoming book 'Germany and China: How Entanglement Undermines Freedom, Prosperity, and Security' (2024) I deconstruct the Steinmeier doctrine. This paradigm is let down by mirroring and misunderstandings about the nature of democratisation processes in autocracies /2
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As I argue in my book, the Scholz administration may not be able to learn from the mistakes made in Russian policy in time to adequately address the challenges posed by China's Xi regime. Scholz's reported comments confirm my concerns /3 Image
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