In this passage, Waltz introduces his three "levels of analysis": the individual, the state, or the system.
For Waltz, the first image (the individual) lies at the heart of Morgenthau's work. He says the following in his chapter on the "first image" (note he brings in Morgenthau's views on World Government -- see previous #KeepRealismReal thread):
As for the second image, this is actually something that Waltz himself would explore a decade later in his 1967 book, "Foreign Policy and Democratic Politics" amazon.com/Foreign-Policy…
His goal in writing the book? He didn't agree with democracy being "disparaged" as ill-suited for effective foreign policy.
Who was disparaging democracy? He quotes Tocqueville
This phrase, according to Waltz, has achieved "the prestige of frequent quotation" in academic and foreign policy circles
Here's the thing: Waltz doesn't fully disagree with the quotation. Democracies seem not as well equipped to "play the game" of power politics.
But Waltz thinks that democracies have one notable advantage in foreign policy: prudence
As for the third image, this is Waltz's purpose for writing his 1979 book, "Theory of International Politics". amazon.com/Theory-Interna…
In Chapter 4, he again brings up Morgenthau's "second image" focus.
He also calls out Henry Kissinger for having a second image focus in his academic work
But Waltz thinks this is wrong...or at least uninteresting. He says so in this passage, which also offers his clearest description of what is meant by a "third image" or "system level" theory of international politics (note: reference to the security dilemma)
A theory of international politics explains general patterns that will be observed in the world (e.g. states will seek arms; wars will happen; cooperation shallow) not the behavior of particular states
He likens it to a theory of the market compared to a theory of the firm
Indeed, he admits later in the text that a "third image" theory won't predict exactly what a particular state will do at a given moment, but that's also not the point
And he calls out Morgenthau for not seeing this distinction
Why did Waltz now insistent on distinguishing "international politics" from "foreign policy"? According to @dbessner & @GuilhotNicolas in @Journal_IS, it was to further his effort of saying that "liberal democracy" was not disadvantaged in world politics muse.jhu.edu/article/601983
You might be wondering? What does all of the above discussion have to do with realism?
Not much, really.
In fact, you want to know two words that never appear in "Theory of International Politics"?
"Realism" or "Realist" (though "Realpolitik" shows up a bit)
Oh, and definitely NOT the term "Neorealism".
The term "Neorealism" was apparently coined by Robert W. Cox to describe Waltz's work.
At least, that is the claim of Robert Keohane
That passage is from the introduction of the 1986 volume, "Neorealism & it's Critics". amazon.com/Neorealism-Its…
Which of these two men is most responsible for World War II?
Short answer: not Churchill
Long answer: [THREAD]
To be clear, in this thread I am dealing with the onset of the war in Europe. The War in Asia was just as important and obviously connected to Europe. But that is for another thread. For now, I do highly recommend Paine's book "The Wars for Asia"
Solving the "Europe Problem" has vexed US foreign policy since the beginning.
[THREAD]
As I wrote last week, a key trait of US "grand strategy" since the founding of the Republic was "Go West" either by expanding US territory west or seeking to maintain trade with China.
Since the founding of the republic, US foreign policy has been about one thing:
Go west (and don't let Europe get in the way).
[THREAD]
I'll write more about "don't let Europe get in the way" in another 🧵. This one will focus on the "Go west" part (which will also touch on the Europe part).
One could go so far as to argue that the Republic itself was founded because of a desire to go west. Specifically, the colonials were forbidden to go west of the 1763 Proclamation line.
When you hear "Liberal International Order", just think "the G-7, for better and for worse"
[THREAD]
While some scholars and policy makers like to speak of the "Liberal International Order" as the collection of post-World War II international institutions.... cambridge.org/core/journals/…
...the phrase itself is much more recent in origins, largely a product of the mid-1990s.
As I wrote in my latest for @WPReview, shifting patterns in population growth will inevitably influence international politics. worldpoliticsreview.com/global-demogra…
This isn't a new idea. It's one found in classic works on change in world politics.