Since it's currently open season on the BBC, it's worth contrasting Priti Patel's remarks with her own government's Integrated Review of Security & Foreign Policy - which has some rather different things to say about the BBC & other institutions under ministerial attack. [THREAD]
2. The Integrated Review describes the BBC (twice) as "the most trusted broadcaster in the world". Its global reach is cited, proudly, as evidence that Britain is a "soft-power superpower", with its "independent" journalism making the UK a champion of "press and media freedom".
3. All that sits a little uneasily with a govt that was boycotting the BBC's main news outlets when the pandemic began, that's cut funding for the World Service & repeatedly accuses the BBC of left-wing bias. But that's one of many paradoxes in the Review. theguardian.com/media/2019/dec…
4. The Review also waxes lyrical about Britain's "world-class education" sector and the research done in British universities - again, as proof that the UK is a "soft-power superpower". But at home, not a week passes without another attack on universities in the "war on woke".
5. The Review also positions Britain as a champion of "human rights", as part of its commitment to an "open international order". So it's odd to find the Prime Minister & Home Secretary laying into "human rights lawyers and other do-gooders" here in the UK lawgazette.co.uk/news/johnson-o…
6. If Johnson wants to ride on the success of the BBC, Britain's universities and the importance of human rights when projecting "leadership" abroad, he needs to stop trashing those institutions for domestic political advantage. Foreign policy, like charity, begins at home.
7. The full text of the Integrated Review can be found online here. The values it projects are in many cases admirable. But those values need to be lived at home, if they are to carry real weight abroad. [ENDS] gov.uk/government/pub…
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"In a democracy, the most fundamental of all rights is the right to vote. It is the foundation on which all our liberties depend. Yet for millions of people, compulsory voter ID will make that harder"
More than 3 million UK voters have no official photographic ID. Nearly 11 million have neither a passport nor a driver's licence. Those voters now face new barriers to the ballot box, to tackle a problem for which there is precious little evidence.
In-person voter fraud is not just rare: it would be almost impossible to organise on a large scale. And we would know it was happening, from the number of voters arriving at the polling station to find that their vote had already been cast.
The introduction of the penny post was a major step on the road to democracy, won from government "by the clamour of a nation". As a radical newspaper put it: "The landlords were caught napping when they allowed Rowland Hill to steal a march upon them". [1/5]
Within 10 years, the Royal Mail was carrying 347 million letters a year. Pamphlets & fliers could be sent out at a fraction of the previous cost, transforming the prospects of groups like the Anti-Corn Law League. "The penny postage will repeal the corn laws!", Cobden predicted.
Cheap postage could also be used for advertising, with adhesive "wafers" or stickers bearing political or religious slogans. Millions of envelopes carried slogans from the Anti-Corn Law League, the Peace Society and the anti-slavery movement.
A key point that gets missed in some of the cruder takes on the "Red Wall". Tory success here may owe less to a new electoral phenomenon than an old one: the "property-owning democracy"; but one that's spread unevenly between generations & doesn't map neatly onto class lines. 1/5
2. The idea of a "property-owning democracy" was coined by a Conservative MP, Noel Skelton, in 1923. It recognised that home-ownership was likely to have a fundamental effect on voting behaviour & political values. The same idea inspired the sale of council houses in the 1980s.
3. Yet the spread of home-ownership has taken a peculiar shape. Today, more than half of all UK home-owners are over 55. Ownership rates are lower in affluent cities than in poorer towns. We shouldn't be surprised that this is bending party alignment into very new shapes.
When Gladstone reformed the civil service in 1854, abolishing ministerial patronage, critics called it "an immense stride" towards democracy. They were right: which is why scandals like Greensill, and the return of patronage, are so dangerous. [THREAD] ft.com/content/590367…
2. Before 1854, ministers routinely appointed their friends, business contacts & financial patrons to positions in govt, that came with salaries, access & influence on policy. The Head of the Civil Service, Trevelyan, warned of "a stream of corruption" gushing through public life
3. Gladstone abolished the patronage system, laying the basis for a career civil service recruited by exams. He called this a "parliamentary reform", not just an administrative change, because it weakened corrupt influences, opened govt to talent and made it harder to buy access.
Excellent piece by the @ConUnit_UCL on the "shocking" collapse of parliamentary govt over the last year. Five changes, in particular, "amount to a fundamental undermining and exclusion of parliament from crucial decisions". Some extracts follow. [1/9] constitution-unit.com/2021/04/21/cov…
1. Emergency Legislation. The far-reaching Coronavirus Act was rushed through Parliament in a single day. "In the year since it was passed, ministers have provided just five hours debating time for MPs to consider ongoing measures", with speeches limited to just 4 minutes each.
2. Radical new laws, "shutting down businesses, forcing people to stay at home, imposing hotel quarantines or mandatory testing", have routinely been made by Statutory Instruments, issued by ministers without parliamentary scrutiny, even when there was no immediate time pressure.
Many voters, I suspect, don't much care if ministers are lining their own pockets - they may even expect it - unless they come to believe it's at their own expense. The assault on "sleaze" in the 1990s worked, in part, because it ran alongside the attack on "22 Tory Tax Rises".
That's partly why the culture war is so important. So long as someone else can be cast as "the elite" - universities, judges, human rights lawyers, the BBC - govt can position itself on the side of "ordinary people". So long as that holds, it will be hard to make "sleaze" stick.
Throw in posters like this, on top of the memory of "Black Wednesday", and it's easier to see why the attack on sleaze "bit" in the 1990s.